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Yatsu-ga-take, Haku-san and Tate-yama. By B. W. Atkinson, B. So 1 

Proposed Arrangement of the Korean Alphabet. By W. G. Aston 68 

Notes on Stone Implements from Otarn and Hakodate. By John Milne, F.G.8. 61 
Hideyoshi and the Satsnma Clan in the Sixteenth Century. By J. H. Gubbins 92 

Land Provisions of the Taih6 Bid. By 0. J. Tarring 145 

On the Japanese Letters "Chi" and "Tso." By J. Edkins, D. D 156 

BeplytoDr. Edkins on " Chi " and " Tsu." ByEmeetSatow 164 

Catalogue of the Birds of Japan. By T. Blakiston and H. Pryer 172 

The "Kana" Transliteration System. By F. V. Diekins 242 

Notes on the Porcelain Industry of Japan. By B. W. Atkinson, B. So 267 

A Short Memoir from the Seventeenth Century. By Basil Hall Chamberlain . . 277 
Suggestions for a Japanese Rendering of the Psalms. By B. H. Chamberlain. . 285 

Ancient Sepulchral Mounds in Eaudzuke. By Ernest Satow 318 

The History of Japanese Costume. By Josiah Conder, M. B. I. B. A 888 

Contributions to the Agricultural Chemistry of Japan. By Edward Kinch, Pro- 
fessor of Chemistry 869 

On the Systematic Position of the Itachi. By Professor D. Brauns 416 

The Seven Gods of Happiness. By C. Puini, translated by F. V. Diekins. ... 427 

Manufacture of Sugar in Japan. By K. Ota 462 

Influence of Chinese Dialects on the Japanese Pronunciation of the Chinese^ 

Part of the Japanese Language. By J. Edkins, D. D 478 

Minutes of Meetings i-xvi 

Report of Council x vii 

List of Members xxii 

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By R. W. Atkinson, B. Sc. (Lond.) 

[Read October U, 1879.] 

I have selected the three mountains above named as a heading for 
this paper, because they stand out prominently in my recollection from 
the other districts visited, and because they may also serve to mark the 
divisions of the journey I took during the past summer (1879) into 
Shinshiu, Hida, and Etchiu, in company with my friends Prof. Dixon 
and Mr. Nakazawa. We proposed to pass directly from Musashi into 
Shinshiu by following the direction of greatest length of the former , 
province, and then, having crossed over the range Yatsu-ga-take, to 
make for the southern point of Hida, and, traversing the western boun- 
dary, to ascend Haku-san, a sacred mountain situated at the point 
where the three provinces, — Eaga, Hida, and Echizen, — meet. De- 
scending on the same side, we intended' to cross eastwards to the largest 
branch of the Jindzu-gawa, and to sail down to Toyama, in Etchiu, 
from which we could ascend Tate-yama, and cross over the Harinoki 
tdge into Shinshiu by the Shindo. 

This programme was 'carried out with one exception. For reasons 
to be given hereafter we descended Haku-san, not on the Hida, but on 
the Eaga aide, which compelled us to abandon the sail down the 
. Jindzu-gawa, a circumstance we verjr much regretted, as glowing ac- 
counts had reached us of the beauty of the scenery. 


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As a contribution to the geography of some little known parts of 
this island, I have ventured to put into shape some notes taken during 
the trip, and have appended a sketch map of the route, as well as tables 
giving the approximate heights of places through which we passed, and 
the names of some of the more striking flowers which were in bloom at 
the time. 

With regard to the heights given in the tables, a few words are 
necessary to explain how far they are to be relied upon. All of them 
were determined by means of an anerbid barometer, by Negretti and 
Zambra, kindly lent to me by Mr. Satow, and graduated from 81 to 21 
inches. In every case I noted the reading in inches as well as the 
time, and whenever we remained an hour or more in one place I took the 
reading at the end as well as at the beginning of our stay. At night I 
usually took two readings, one immediately on entering the tea-house, 
and another later in the evening, about 8 or 9 o'clock ; whilst in the 
morning I took only one, except occasionally. 

Professor Mendenhall has been so good as to compare the aneroid 
with the standard mercurial barometer of the Eaga Yashiki observatory, 
and has furnished me with comparison curves of the two instruments 
from observations taken during a fortnight, Aug. 19th to Sept. 2nd, 
from which it appears that the aneroid had been only partially compen- 
sated for temperature. The small difference between the readings .fpf 
the aneroid and the mercurial barometer, when the latter had been cor* 
.rected for temperature, has been corrected in the numbers given in the 
tables, and they, therefore, represent the actual height of the mercury, 
corrected for temperature, at any given time. I am also indebted to 
Prof. Mendenhall for the barometric readings in T6kiy6 during the whole 
of the period of our trip, and this has enabled me to calculate the approxi- 
mate height corresponding to the readings observed. At the same time 
many circumstances may interfere to render the heights incorrect to some 
extent ; indeed it is scarcely probable that the average error is less than 
100 ft., and it has, therefore, seemed unnecessary to give the exact 
numbers obtained by calculation, and in place of them I have chosen the 
nearest ten to the number found. Thus, supposing the calculated height 
of any place to be 2437 ft., I have given x the number 2440 ft., although 
even in that number the height is given with more apparent accuracy 

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that the method warrants, for, as only one reading was taken in the 
majority of cases, a local disturbance would tend to raise or lower the 
apparent height by as much as 50 or 100 feet. In order to get a 
smaller error it would have been necessary to institute a series of obser- 
vations extending oyer a week or a fortnight, and to compare them with 
readings taken at similar times at the sea-level, or some other place, the 
exact height of which was knowD. In this way Mr. Knipping as- 
certained the height of Fuji-san, and found a number closely agreeing 
with the one found by Mr. Stewart from trigonometrical measurements. 

I have to thank Mr. Matsumura, of the Tokiyo Daigaku, for assistance 
in the determination of many of the plants obtained during the trip. It 
would probably lead to the discovery of many new species, were those 
who wander into parts of Japan not much known, to carry with them a 
collecting portfolio, and to preserve the dried plants till their return to 
Tokiyo, where the flowers could be examined. In collecting, I employed 
two portfolios, one for .pressing, and another for storing. Each con- 
sisted of two flat, strong, boards, about 18 by 11 inches, holding a 
number of sheets of a thick, grey; bibulous paper,, and fastened round 
with a pair of ordinary rug straps. As soon as my collecting book was 
full, the plants then collected and already partially dried, were trans- 
ferred to the storing portfolio, in which they remained until I reached 
Tokiyo. Some had become a little mouldy, but the mould was easily 
removed by painting the plants over with a solution of carbolic acid or 
salicylic acid, and again subjecting them to pressure in fresh paper. In 
this way most of those which were not very succulent had preserved 
their form and colour very well. 

Before starting we had many discussions as to the best form of 
foot-gear to adopt. Opinions on this point were very conflicting, and 
after having tried various kinds during this excursion, I can understand 
why it should be so. Different observers will be apt to lay stress upon 
different points, and of the three kinds of walking apparel I have tried, 
each has advantages over the others under special circumstances. The 
principal objection to the use of our ordinary boots is, that there is not 
sufficient friction between the soles and the road- way. Along level or 
slightly sloping ground, this is not felt, and the " spring " there is in 
the sole assists the power of walking very materially, whilst walking in 

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waraji becomes extremely fatiguing under such circumstances. But, if 
the road becomes greatly inclined, and perhaps stony, as in ascending 
the greater number of passes in Japan, waraji have the advantage over 
boots on account of the greater friction between them and the roads. 
They are, however, no protection to the feet; there being no " spring "* 
in them the foot falls "dead" upon the ground. The ball of the foot 
thus . gets many, unpleasant shocks, and a tendency for the tendons of 
the foot to contract shows itself, and this makes walking very painful. 
But it is in going down hill over a stony road that waraji show themselves 
to least advantage. In this case the fault just referred to is exaggerated, 
and the feet become so sensitive to the smallest pebble, that it is agony 
to proceed. After trying waraji in conjunction with tabi a few times, 
over this kind of ground, I abandoned the tabi, anc^ fastened the waraji 
on the outside of my boots, an arrangement which gave all the 
advantages of both. The waraji can be very quickly made by a skilful 
workman, although it is better to have a supply made before starting, 
having a kind of cap formed of three or four cross strings proceeding 
from the centre and two sides of the toe end. These strings then pass 
backward, through the side loops, and are fastened in the usual way. 
This I consider to be the best arrangement for ordinary walking, if care 
be taken to see that the fit is perfect. If they do not fit well they are 
apt to slip to one side and give endless trouble. 

* But in ascending such mountains as Haku-san, where the ascent 
has to be made up the bed of a stream, or where one has to climb along 
the face of a rock with scarcely anything to rest upon, or in crossing 
over a talus of loose earth, it is necessary to wear waraji with tabi and 
without boots. The greater flexibility permitted to the foot enables one 
to hold on to ground from which boots would certainly slip away, in 
addition to which they allow one to walk in the water, or to wade from 
one side to the other* of a stream without the necessity of wasting time 
by taking off and putting on boots. Climbing Haku-san and Tate-yama 
in this way, I found comparatively easy ; the greatest difficulty was in 
descending, for the reason that the straw string which passes between 
the toes gets pressed against the skin, and seems as though it would 
cut right through. But, as boots are quite out of the question, nothing 
remains but to get used to the feeling. 

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atkinson: yatsu-ga-take, haku-sak, and tate-yama. 5 


Early on the morning of the 16th of July we left Tokiyo by kuruma, 
intending to .reach Kawagoye the* same evening. We rode along the 
Nakasend6 as far as the new police station at Itabashi, which stands at 
the meeting of -two roads, the Nakasendd and the Kawagoye-kaid6. 
Here, of course, we took the left road, which was much narrower than 
the other, and resembled an English lane bordered on either side with 
trees. As far as Akatsuka-mura, four ri from Nihombashi. this kind 
of road continued, after which for four ri more to Oi, the road was lined 
with cryptomerias. At this place we heard of a shorter road which 
would permit us to get several ri further on our way without passing 
through Kawagoye, ^ind after lunch we started for Kurosu, 3$ ri distant. 
We found the road very narrow, in many places little wider than an 
ordinary foot-path, and running for the greater part of the way through 
plantations of nara, matsu, etc. Acacia treed and seedlings seemed 
abundant, and in one place in the plantation I found a group of "Dutch 
pipes," Japanese Oranda kiseru (Aeginetia indica), growing almost 
hidden from sight. About half a ri before reaching Kurosu the road 
through the plantations . opened out into fields planted with indigo, 
sato-imo, satsuma-imo, beans, etc., and we obtained a good view of the 
valley which lay between us, and the hilly country beyond. Hitherto* 
we had been traversing an elevated plateau, but a few cho from Kurosu 
the road very sharply descended to the village, which is situated on a 
bank of the Iruma-gawa. Kurosu is a small village, but appears cleaner 
and better kept than others through which we had passed. The next 
morning we started at 5.25, and a walk of about 10 cho brought us to 
the wide gravelly bed of the river, the water of which flowed in a 
beautifully limpid stream through a narrower channel, sufficiently wide, 
however, to require a boat to take us across. On the other side a 
narrow path along the bank of the river brought us to a small village, 
Sasai, where we diverged to the right along the road to Hanno. For 
nearly the whole distance, two ri, we passed through somewhat gloomy 
plantations, which opened out near Hannd into fields. The whole of 
this part of the road seemed singularly wanting in plant-life, a circum- 
stance which, perhaps, gave the gloom to it. HannO is a small, respect- 

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able looking village, but appears to be little visited, inasmuch as we 
searched in vain for a tea-house. About 10 cho beyond the village the 
road winds about among a series of small hills, and now rice- fields 
begin to appear from the greater abundance of water than in the plain 
over which we had come. Here two road separate : the winding road to 
the left is the one to Agano or Saka-ishi machi, and after following this 
for half a ri over the hills, we entered the valley of the Komagawa, flowing 
E. by S. This valley resembled, with its su#i-clad sides, many another 
valley in Japan, and presented many beautiful glimpses of wood and 
water. Flowers also were, abundant, especially the lilies Funkia ovata, 
and Lilium aurantium, the latter of which was even oppressive with its 
fragrance. After enteririg this valley we had to cross the river ten 
times before we reached Saka-ishi- machi, three times by wading, six times 
over narrow planks stretched across, and finally, just before entering 
the town, over a well-built bridge. The old name of this place was 
Agano, but had been recently changed to Saka-ishi-machi. Here we 
learnt that horses could not go over the pass which lay between this and 
Omiya, our resting place for the night, but that the baggage must be 
carried by oxen. After lunching, we again started and followed the 
road running along the banks of the Komagawa. About 2 H from 
Agano we came to Saka-ishi-mura, from which the ascent of the 
• Shdmaru toge may be said to commence. From this point the valley is 
very close and winding, well timbered, and supplying various kinds of 
wood'. As we near the top of the pass, fc very fine views are obtained of 
the hills we entered in the morning and of the plain over which we 
passed between Tokiyo and Kurosu. The highest point of the pass is 
about 1940 ft. above the sea. The descent on the other side was rather 
steep ; the sides of the path were luxuriantly supplied with flowers, the 
Deinanthe bifida, with a flower like a fully developed Hydrangea, being 
especially noticeable, and in no other part of the country did I find it. At 
the foot of the descent we entered the valley of the Obukdkawa, following 
which we ultimately arrived at Omiya. Before getting there, however, 
darkness overtook us, and as the road was very narrow, and in one or 
two places was reduced to a mere plank crossing the river, our progress 
was not very rapid. The brilliancy of the fire- flies was remarkable ; on 
several occasions, indeed, it was almost impossible to resist the belief that 

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the light proceeded from a cottage door. At another part of the road 
we saw in the distance a peculiar, unnatural glare upon the dark sw/i 
lining the hanks, caused by the torches carried by villagers fishing in 
the bed of the stream. At Omiya we were unable to find room in any 
except a second class hotel, the town appearing to be very full. Our 
baggage, which started from Saka-ishi-machi at 2 p. m., did not reach 
Omiya until 8. a.m., having taken 18 hours for 7 ri. 

Omiya is a small town consisting of a principal street running S. S. 
W., and one or two at right angles. It is the centre of a silk district, and 
is on that account visited by Italians in search of cards. There are a 
few shops in which foreign goods, including wines and beer, are for sale. 
Looking down the main street, several hills are visible not very far away, 
Bukozan, Urayama, Hashitate, and others. Immediately after leaving 
Omiya we entered the valley of the Arakawa, the upper part of the river 
which runs through Tdkiyd under the name of the Todagawa, or Sumida- 
gawa. Here it was flowing almost directly east. For about 1} ri the 
road was quite level, running some distance from the right bank of the river 
through fields planted with beans, mulberry trees, etc.; but as we as- 
cended the valley the road rose and continued along a terrace high above 
the river as far as where it has to be crossed to reach Niyekawa. From 
many points of this terrace, looking backwards, we had magnificent 
views of the valley, and one of our party who had been in Yamato said 
that it resembled the famous Yoshino, except that high mountains 
replaced the lower Yoshino-yama. Suddenly, when we came in sight 
of the white walls of the • Niyekawa houses, the road descended very 
rapidly to the river, which we crossed in a Jy>at with the help of a rope 
stretched from bank to bank, and then ascended as rapidly to Niyekawa-, 
which is very beautifully situated, commanding a fine view of the valley. 
In the principal hotel, Isoda-ya, one of the rooms projects from the main 
part of the building, and here one can enjoy the beauty of the scenery, 
while the attention bestowed upon travellers is all that can be desired. 
We were 'shown a map of the district jChichibu), a copy of which from 
Omiya to the Jumonji tdge, showing the branching of the road at 
Ghichibu no Ochiai, is appended. After a good night's rest we started 
early, keeping to the left bank of the river, along the road which, 
having to cross the low spurs thrown out by the hills, rose and fell 

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frequently. The river winds in and out in a very picturesque way, and 
into the main gorge, which is very narrow, many smaller ones enter. 
Hills on either side, luxuriantly wooded to the top, rise to nearly a 
thousand feet. At this point the valley runs N. N. E., but a little way 
beyond it bends a second time nearly at right angles. ' Beyond the bend 
the character of the valley is bolder and the scenery more magnificent 
than anything I had hitherto seen in this country, and indeed will bear 
comparison with some parts of the famous Yosemite* valley. At the 
point where the third bend occurs, a sharp, bold rock stands out like a 
sentinel, and, though on a smaller scale, recalls £1 Capitan in the 
Yosemite* valley. On the opposite bank of the river another valley enters. 

The highest part of the road before reaching Ochiai is where the path 
crosses the rock alluded to above, and at this elevation there are a few 
houses which bear the name of Oda-hara mura. In one or two of the 
houses were exposed for sale the antlers of the deer, and the smaller 
horns of the sheep-faced antelope, called the Kamoshika or Kurashishi. 
Beyond this point we turned to the right and descended into a more open 
valley, more cultivated, and much less picturesque. The descent was 
pretty rapid as far as the river, where there are a few houses, and a 
bridge leading to the opposite side, which, however, we did not cross, 
but continued to follow the path on the left bank of the stream as for as 

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Ochiai, a part of Otaki, 8 ri distant from Niyekawa. The name Ochiai 
is given to the place where two rivers meet, and as the same name is 
given to a village on the opposite side of the pass, this one is distin- 
guished by the name Chichibu no Ochiai (Chichibu being the name of 
the district), while the other is called Shinshiu no Ochiai. A short 
distance above this village we came to a tributary of the Arakawa, about 
the same size, called Nakatsu-gawa. The road crosses this stream 1 
and follows its right bank for a short distance before separating from 
the right and broader road, which keeps to the level of the river and 
is called " Shi-ju-hasse " (forty-eight shallow reaches), and, running 
up the valley Shin Otaki, finally passes over the Mikuni tdge into 
Shinshiu. The left branch of the road, which we took, rises pretty 
sharply to the top of the ridge, from which many very pretty views of 
the Shin Otaki valley, with its charming Swiss-looking cottages, are 
obtained. At the top of the ridge the path crosses from the Shin Otaki 
valley into the "valley of the Arakawa again, here called the Ko Otaki 
valley, which we ascended to Tochimoto, whence the ascent of tne 
Jumonji t6ge is made. The road in this valley is little more than a 
narrow ledge, running at varying elevations above the river, never less 
than 400 ft., but rising to 500 and 600 ft. It winds in and out of all the 
smaller side valleys, and is remarkably pretty all the way to Tochimoto. 
About a ri or a. ri and a half from Ochiai we passed through a small 
village of about half a dozen houses called Okubo. From this 1£ ri more 
brought us to Tochimoto, where we rested in the house of Mr. Omura, 
the principal farmer. During the whole of the last two days the 
luxuriance of plant life had been extraordinary, especially of the large 
Japanese lily, which here attains a size not seen elsewhere. On one 
plant I counted no less than 15 flowers on one stem. 

Although we had reached Tochimoto quite early in the day, we 

'were obliged to rest in order to commence the journey over the Jumonji 

toge early the next morning. We received somewhat alarming accounts 

of the difficulty of the pass, which fortunately proved to be exaggerated, 

but it is quite a common habit of country people to overestimate the 

1 In many maps, even in the one lately published by the Geographical bureau, 
the road to the Mikuni tdge is represented as leaving the other road before the 
Nakatsugawa is crossed. 

TOL. Till. • 2 

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difficulties to intending travellers. Shortly after leaving the village, a 
smaller road branched off on the left, which would lead into Koshiu. 
The right path led by a steep and continuous ascent to a small shrine 
erected to twelve Buddhist deities, and called Ju-ni ten. This point is 
about 650 feet above Tochimoto. After a slight descent the path again 
ascended through quantities of bamboo and sword grass, wet with dew, 
by which in a very short time we were thoroughly soaked. After a 
steady climb of two hours from starting we arrived at a small shrine, said 
to be 1 ri 80 cho from Tochimoto, a rate of not more than 2-3 miles per 
hour. The road all the way was so narrow that neither horses nor oxen . 
could have carried our luggage, so that we. had to engage coolies to do so. 
A short distance from the shrine down the side of the slope there was 
a little water, which we were glad to drink, as we learnt that for the 
next 2J ri we should come across none. 

Beyond the shrine the road .was tolerably level for a short distance, 
and seemed to lie along a long ridge separating the two valleys of Otaki, 
for we soon came to a pathway on the right, which came from Nakatsu- 
gawa. After a short descent the road again ascended to another flat 
ridge, and then rose again to the second highest point of the road, 5,100 
feet above the sea, and 2,900 feet above Tochimoto. Just before 
reaching this point we caught a glimpse of Yatsu-ga-take W. N. W., and 
Asama-yama, 20° W* of N. Afterwards the road descended and emerged 
from under the trees, which hitherto had protected us from the burning 
sun, to a wide space where all the vegetation had been destroyed 
by fire, and from which we obtained a good view of the valley. The 
path was exceedingly narrow and ran along the face of a very steep 
slope, which descended below us for several thousand feet, and which 
recalled the rounding of Cape Horn on the Pacific Railroad. The 
Ghichibu, Kdshiu, and Shinshiu ranges were all prominent,, and gave 
the impression of great height. The gold hill of Matano-sawa was also 
pointed out to us. It is not yet worked on the large scale, but speci- 
mens of the ore were exhibited at the National Exhibition held at Uyeno, 
in 1877. 

A little beyond this point the road had to pass round a group 
of very remarkable) rugged erags, and it then made a continuous 

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descent amongst trees till we reached a little glen where we found 
water, and here we lunched. This point is a little more than half way 
between Tochimoto and Shinshiu no Ochiai, being 8} ri from the former 
place, but nevertheless it had taken us 5 J hours pretty steady, though 
not fast, walking. Near this spot I found the only specimen of Anemo- 
nopsis macrophylla obtained .during the whole of the trip. The great 
abundance of plants on this pass was very striking, including the 
Cornus canadensis, two species of Thalictrum, Aquilegia glandulosa, 
Schrophularia alata, amongst the more noticeable, and the Monotropa 
uniflora, a beautiful, transparent little plant with a drooping head, which 
I have found on Nantaizan and on the Konsei t6ge, where it was called 
yuki-furi-sS (snow fall grass). 

After resting some time we again started commencing to climb 
immediately along the face of the side of the valley until we reached 
what must have been the upper end of the Eo Otaki valley, for the 
road now ran across a narrow ridge almost at right angles to its former 
direction, from which the two valleys, Shin Otaki and Eo Otaki, were 
seen to the right and left respectively. Having crossed this ridge, we 
had now come to the strip which separated the valley of the Nakatsugawa 
from that of the Chikumagawa, and for some distance the path led us 
along the Nakatsugawa side, and then after a long steep ascent we came 
to the highest point of the dividing ridge, a short distance on this side 
of the post marking the boundary line between the two provinces of 
Musashi and Shinshiu, or of the Saitama and Nagano prefectures. 

The Jumonji tdge is the middle one of three, the other two being 
the Mikuni t6ge, between Shinshiu, Musashi, and Eddzuke, and the 
Eobushi tdge, which is at the point of meeting of Edshiu, Musashi, and 
Shinshiu, and derives its name from the initial characters in the names 
of the three provinces, Ed-bu-shi. The Kdbashi-ga-take appeared to 
be of considerable height, probably between 7,000 and 8,000 feet. The 
highest point of the Jumonji tdge is about 6,000 feet above sea-level. 

Here our guide, who had observed that we were collecting plants, 
made a sudden dive into the recesses of the forest, and after a • short 
time returned triumphantly with a specimen, called Oren, which is used 
as a drug, and the root of which has a very bitter taste. It is a species 

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of Coptis, probably brachypetala, and contains an alkaloid, the. exact 
nature of which is uncertain. The root is said to be used as a vermifuge. 
After passing the highest point, the path descended gradually for 
some distance through the same kind of scenery — a pine forest. After- 
wards we descended very rapidly, the road at the lower path becoming 
stony and hard. From one point we saw £dbushi-ga-take in a direction 
about 17° W. of S., after which we rapidly descended to the level of the 
Chikuma-gawa, which we first touched 1£ hours after leaving the summit, 
having descended nearly 1500 feet. We still continued to descend, 
keeping close to the river for 15 minutes more,, till we came to a rude 
kind of bridge crossing the stream and also a small branch on the left 
bank, leading at once to the Kara, which ran with a very gentle 
inclination as far as Ochiai. The valley ran directly east and west, and 
closing the western end, as it were, we saw the lofty and gloomy Yatsu- 
ga-take. The hills on either side of the valley were green, grassy slopes, 
very pleasant to look at, suggesting home scenes, but wanting the white 
cattle dotted here and there over them. The hara, hitherto uncultivated, 
is now being cut up into fields for the cultivation of buckwheat. It is 
a matter for wonder that the utilization of such a fertile spot should 
have been delayed, as the general opinion is that every available spot in 
the country is made use of. That it is a very fertile plain is rendered 
evident by the vast quantities of wild flowers growing on it — the 
luxuriance of plant life being as striking as on the pass, though it would 
be evident to the most casual observer that the characters of the two 
floras are very different, the one being an alpine, the other a valley ' 
flora. Most prominent were Epilobium spicatum, Platycodon grandi- 
florum, Funkia ovata, Dianthus superbus, Phyteuma japonicum, Vero- 
nica virginica, Geranium sibiricum, Hemerocallis various species, and 
numbers of Orchidacese. At the point where the road leaves the hara, 
and descends rapidly a few feet to the village of Ochiai, a most charming 
view of the valley in front is obtained, as agreeable as the sight of the 
promised land to 'the Jews of old. A little below the village the 
Chikuma-gawa is joined by the Adzusa-gawa, and the united waters flow 
through Shinshiu until they meet with the Sai-gawa, after which they 
flow as the Shinano-gawa, through Shinshiu and Echigo,.and enter the 
sea at Niigata. 

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We stayed all night in the house of Mr. Tddd, a fanner, there being 
neither yado-ya nor cha-ya in the village, as it is a road not often 
traversed by travellers. After making enquiries about Yatsu-ga-take we 
were told that Gongen-no-take was the highest peak and that it could be 
ascended from Umi-no-kuchi, and we therefore started early on the 
following morning, July 21st, for that place. Descending the valley, we 
passed through two small villages, Igura and Hara, and after about 
4£ ri we came to a point where the valley appeared to be blocked by a 
range of low hills. The river, however, here joined* by another stream, 
flowed round the north side of the hills, between them and the opposite 
aide of the valley. The road ascended the hill, and then we found it to 
consist of an elevated plateau stretching for about a rt, and over- 
looking, the valley in which Umi-no-kuchi lies. This village lies on 
one of the main roads between Shinano and K6shiu. The Chikuma* 
gawa, after bending round the above mentioned plateau, emerges 
again a little way after the road leaves Umi-no-kuchi for Umijiri. 
In the former place we found the most complete ignorance prevail- 
ing concerning the roads or even the possibility of ascending the 
mountain, which could be well seen from part of the village. At 
last the oldest inhabitant of the village, on being applied to, said that 
it could be ascended from Umijiri, where a guide could be obtained. 
The accompanying sketch gives the outline of the range as seen 
from Umi-no-kuchi, where, however, the name Kasa-dake was given to 
the highest peak, which at the time was enveloped in mist. After lunch 

we started, crossing the river a little way from the village, and following 
the road, a very good, broad and level one, along the left bank, through 
a very pleasant valley to Umijiri, 1 ri 12 ckd distant. This is a 
remarkable little place, differing in appearance from the majority of * 
Japanese villages, for the gable ends of the houses face the main street, 
and thus form a series of little streets branching off at right angles. At 
the head of the slight inclination which the town has is the K'uwaisha, 

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and that travellers can be accommodated is announced by a large board 
banging at the entrance with the inscription " Hotel " on one side, and 
" Hostel " on the reverse. A tradition appears to exist that mosquitoes 
are unknown, and as a consequence nets are not forthcoming. But as 
in fact these little pests abound, during the night we suffered untold 
misery, a bad preparation for the climb we had before us on the 
morrow. We found that the highest peak was called Aka-dake, and was 
the same which was called Kasa-dake at Umi-no-kuchi. To ascend this it 
was necessary to go first to the summit of Mikaburi-yama, then to cross the 
ridge between that and the highest point — in fact to follow the outline of 
the sketch. We were provided with a guide who promised to conduct 
us from the summit of Aka-dake to Kami-no-hara, on the Suwa side of 
the range, which, however, would require us to camp out one. night. 
Having divided our baggage, and sent the heavier portion to Kami-no- 
hara by the new road open to horses, we started early the next morning 
for the first stage, to Honzawa, where there are sulphur springs. 
Immediately on leaving the village, before crossing the bridge, the path 
diverged to the left from the main road. We ascended rapidly to the top 
of the slope, after which the rise became more gradual. At this point 
Asama was well seen due north, and Mikaburi-yama W. S. W. Rising 
continuously over a grassy plain, with many wild flowers, we passed 
two clumps of trees, which offered the only shelter from the sun, which 
even at this early hour was burning. Near the second group we found 
Trollius japonicus in full bloom, as well as the less conspicuous 
Metanarthecium luteo-viride. Having risen thus far along the face of 
one of the grassy spurs from the Yatsu-ga-take range, we now crossed 
over and ascended the opposite face, the one nearer to Mikaburi-yama. 
From this point we entered the pine region, and until we reached the 
summit of the pass, we were never out of it except for short intervals 
here and there. The road, however, still kept rising, with a single short 
descent to the stream just below the baths, until we reached Honzawa, 
which we did three hours and a half after starting. The baths are 
• about 8,200 feet above Umijiri. In the wood we found many specimens 
of the beautiful little Pyrola rotundifolia, the flower of which always 
suggests the lily of the valley. Round the baths the rhododendrons were 
in bloom, besides which we found many other kinds of alpine plants. • 

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• Honzawa consists of a single house of two stories, roughly 
built, and partitioned off into rooms for the accommodation of 
visitors, of whom, however, there are very few. There is only one 
bath, situated about 1 cho above the house, and at the side several 
streams of cold water, charged with iron and sulphuric acid, 
rush past. The bath consists of a wooden tank, into which the 
hot sulphur water is admitted by a pipe. The source of the water 
is covered, so that we could not penetrate further in our investigation. 
The water smells of sulphuretted hydrogen, though not so strongly as 
the water of Eusatsu or of Yumoto (Nikkd). The temperature was 
92-5° F. as it entered the tank, though whether it mixes with cold water 
before entering I coald not ascertain. There appears, therefore, to be 
only one spring. Something having delayed our guide, it was a quarter 
to eleven before we were ready for a start. We then followed a toler- 
ably wide, zig-zag path through a dense forest of pines for forty minutes, 
when we reached the summit of the pass between Umijiri and Kami-no- 
hara, on the Suwa side. No name having been given to this pass, I 
have called it the Mikaburi tdge throughout the paper, from the relation 
it bears to the mountain of that name. The height of the pass is about 
1000 feet above Honzawa, and 7,400 ft. above the sea- level. We now 
turned sharply backwards to the left and entered a very dense, tangled 
growth of wood, through which we passed with great difficulty. The 
pines threw out their branches only a few feet above the ground, and 
we had either to creep underneath, or to climb over the obstruction. By 
and by we emerged from the wood and found ourselves at the base of 
the free part of the mountain. When seen from the baths, Mikaburi- 
yama presents the appearance of a volcanic cone which has been cut in 
two by some means and discloses its interior. There was no evidence 
of inclined strata, but it appeared to be built up of horizontal layers of 
a rock resembling basalt. The general colour of the broken part was red, 
but near the top a mass of a much darker brown colour was visible. 

After leaving the pine wood our way lay up the side of the moun- 
tain, covered with a very low-growing kind of pine, called ne-matsu, 
which seemed to extend over the whole of that part, intermixed with a 
dwarfed rhododendron, at this time in flower. As the branches- 
of this pine crept above the ground at a height of 6 inches to a foot, it 

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was very tedious and difficult to avoid getting entangled. Near the top 
of the mountain it disappeared, and the last part of the ascent was by 
the side of the broken edge, which is seen from the baths, up stony 
ground to the top, which we reached in 1£ hours after leaving Honzawa, 
and 1050 feet above Mikaburi-t6ge. It is therefore 8,450 feet above the 
level of the sea. 

From the summit we saw what appeared to be the other side, or 
part of the other side cut away, thus leaving only a ridge and the 
summit of the original mountain. The diagram Fig. 3 is a representa- < 
tion of the relation of the different points of this part of the range as 
they appeared from the summit and further along the ridge. In all the 
native maps I have examined, the relative positions of the peaks with 
the same name are different from those observed, but whether that is the 
fault of the map-maker, pr whether the names of the peaks given to us 
by our guide were incorrect, is a point I am unable to decide. We then 
descended on the opposite side of the summit for a short distance to a 
hollow where we could be screened from the wind, marked X in the 
diagram, and after lunching we continued along the ridge in the 
direction of Aka-dake. From a point a little way along the ridge Fuji- 
san was seen in a direction about 15° E. of S., and the extreme end of 
Suwa lake 70° W. of N. Beyond this point the ridge became very nar- 
row, at one point not more than two feet wide, whilst the sides sloped 
very rapidly down almost to the bottom of the valley, certainly for two* 
or three thousand feet. At other places our progress was interrupted 
by gaps in the ridge, which necessitated a return to a point from which 
we could pass below by holding on to projecting rocks, or the stunted 
shrubs which were able to grow. At another of the more dangerous 
points the whole of the narrow path was covered with the creeping pine 
found on the lower part of Mikaburi-yama, and this I think was the 
worst piece of climbing we had, for as the branches hung over the edge 
of the rock, one could never be quite certain of stepping upon, and not 
over, the ridge. This part, I confess, I got over on hands and feet 
in fear and trembling, sincerely glad that we did not intend returning 
the •same way, little thinking that circumstances would compel us to do 
so. That point passed, we came to the highest point of the ridge, 
• which is called Jizd-san, and is about 280 ft. higher than the 

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sammit of Mikabari-yama, or about 8,680 ft. above the sea. For about 
fifteen minutes more we managed to progress in the direction ot 
Aka-dake, but here the guide,* after going a little in advance to examine 
the way, reported a great chasm ahead, which it would be quite impos- 
sible to cross, and which had been formed since the last time he ascended, 
three years ago. Although within 10 cho of the Aka-dake, which ap- 
peared towering high above us and running up to a very sharp peak, 
for apparently 500 or 600 ft. we were compelled to return. The 
difficulties in returning were even greater than before, for it had now 
begun to rain heavily, and to add to our troubles a very strong' breeze 
had sprung up. Below us a thunder-storm was raging, which by and 
bye passed above us, and deafened us with one of the most violent peals 
of thunder I have ever heard or wish to hear. It seemed as though all 
the thin pointed rocks must fall and involve us in a common ruin. 

We succeeded in retracing our steps without accident, but on 
emerging to the broader part of the ridge immediately below Mikaburi- 
yama, we missed our way, and descended some distance down on the 
Chikuma-gawa side. The mist, clearing a little, showed us the right 
direction, and after a stiff climb we found ourselves once more on the 
summit of Mikaburi-yama, after which we had thought all our troubles 
would have been over. But from this point, again, in descending we 
took the wrong road, and it was only when .recourse was had to the 
compass* and after reaBcending to the summit, that we got the right 
direction. Our guide seemed to have lost all confidence in himself, and 

VOL. VIII. ' 3 

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from this point Mr. Nakazawa took the lead, and with the help of the 
magnet succeeded in bringing us back to the baths. We had taken 
three hours to descend from the summit of Mikaburi-yama through 
a drenching and severely cold rain, whereas the ascent occupied 15 
minutes less than half that time. 

Growing on the sides and summit of the mountain I observed 
dwarfed specimens of Dicentra pusilla, many kinds of ericaceous plants, 
and species of Aconitum and Anemone, but as I could not preserve 
specimens, I cannot be sure of the species. 

The next morning we ascended the toge once more, but continued 
this time along the newly formed road which is cut along the ridge 
through the pine forest. The soil was very soft and " springy," but the 
rough cut edges of the trees made walking very difficult. For some 
distance, until the wood was passed the descent was gradual, but 
beyond the wood-cutter's hut, as far as the first crossing of the stream, 
the road descended steeply. From this it ascended and descended till 
we reached the hara, beyond which the descent was continuous and 
gradual. We passed through one or two villages before reaching Kami- 
no-hara, which is said to be 6 ri from Honzawa, but is probably more. 
From Kami-no-hara the range of Yatsu-ga-take could be seen distinctly, 
and probably' could be best ascended from that point; but, as the 
intervening slope is -very long, two days would be required. It is not 
very easy to find out the correct names of the prominent peaks of the 
range. Sometimes the same name is applied to two peaks, as, for 
example, Gongen-no-take, and at others the same peak has two or more 
names, as in the case of Aka-dake, which at Umijiri is called Kasa-dake. 
The order in which they are seen from Kami-no-hara, proceeding from 
the north, is as follows : Tate-ahima-yama, Mikaburi-yama, Ydko-dake, 
Aka-dake, and Amida-ga-take, all in Shinshiu, except the last, which we 
were told bordered on K6shiu. Ydko-dake is probably another name for 
Jizd-san, the highest point of the ridge between Mikaburi and Aka-dake. 
This is a confirmation of the account given by our guide, and being 
from the opposite side of the range is of considerable weight. 

From Kami-no-hara our road lay towards Fukushima on the 
Nakasendo, from which we intended to enter Hida. We crossed the 

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valley passing through Chino, a small town on the Kdshiu-kaidd, which 
lies .on the river of the same name. This is one of the rivers running 
into lake Suwa, and after about twenty minute's walk we crossed a 
second river running into the lake. From this point the road ascended 
gradually through Miyagawa, in which we saw many silk- winding 
establishments, then through the village of Jinguji, in which there is a 
large temple called Suwa no jinja. After passing through the gate and 
along a long covered way, lined with many poems written on wood, a 
torn to the left led into a square courtyard, at one side of which was a 
large ornamental gate, adorned with gohei, and with a fine group of 
trees behind. This was the entrance proper to the temple, which was 
situated some distance up the mountain. Opposite the gate was a kind 
of shed, in which two large pictures, painted on wood, hung. One of 
these was remarkable for the enormous number of cranes represented in 
it, numbering over a thousand. It was 12 feet long and about 6 feet 
high, and was said to have been painted by Kanko, during the 
chronological period Kayei, 1848-54. The temple is said to be very old, 
though its age is unknown, and it underwent repairs during the period 
Tempo (1830-1844). 

Beyond this village the road continued along the side of the low 
hills west of Suwa, with a view Of the lake and of Yatsu-ga-take behind. 
Beyond Aruga the road ascended rapidly to the top of the low grassy 
hills, the highest point being about 850 feet above the lowest point of 
the valley, which was crossed at the second river, and was, therefore, a 
very little higher than the level of the lake. From the highest point we 
descended between grass-covered hills of the same kind into the valley 
of the Tenriu-gawa to Hiraide, on the Ina-kaidd leading to Takatd, 
one hour and 45 minutes after leaving the summit. From this point a 
fine view of Koma-ga-take in ShinBhiu is obtained. Between Hiraide 
and Inabe, a town lower down the valley, the road is quite level and 
practicable for kuruma. The distance is said to be 4 ri, but is 
probably more than that, as our kuruma took three hours, going 
pretty fast most of the Way. About half way between the two places 
we passed through Matsushima, which seems to be mainly filled with 
tea-houses. The ride down the valley was very delightful, as it is 
pretty open in the direction of its length, and at the same time we 

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got magnificent views of the two ranges of high mountains on either side, 
of the K6shiu range including Koma-ga-take and Jizd-dake,' and of .the 
south Shinshiu range, with the other Koma-ga-take and Kazegoshi-yama. 
Inabe is situated at the base of Shinshiu no Koma-ga-take towards the 
north, and the road to Fukushima crosses the range at the lowest 
point, directly to the north of this mountain. 

After a good night's rest at the hotel of Toyo Seibei, we started 
early in the morning of the 25th July, and retracing our direction of 
the day before for a short distance, turned to the left and ascended the 
sloping plain which lies at the base of the Shinshiu range. The road 
over this was almost perfectly straight, and had the appearance of a 
well kept gravelled walk. After 1^ hours we came to the other side 
of the plain, where a sudden descent took us down to a small stream 
which flowed through a wild-looking valley. The upper part of the 
hills forming the sides of the valley were covered with green, but the 
lower parts were in most places much broken, revealing, by the jagged 
surfaces, the slaty character of the underlying rock. After ascending 
some distance over the stony road by the side of the stream, we 
diverged into a valley on the left, which was more wooded. A sharp 
ascent of 1| hours from the stream when we first touched it brought 
us to the summit of the Gombei tdge, from which, as well as from many 
points during the ascent, we had splendid views of the Tenriu-gawa 
valley with the mountains on the opposite side, the Kdshiu range, and 
more to the north, Yatsu-ga-take. 

On the other side of the pass the scenery was quite like that of 
many other passes, the bounding hills thickly "covered with trees, with 
a mountain torrent flowing through the valley. After walking down- 
wards for one hour and 40 minutes we came to a bridge over the stream, 
beyond which the path again ascended for about 80 minutes. From 
this we descended through a very narrow close valley, which continued 
to wind about, until finally it opened out into the broader valley of the 
Kisp-gawa, where we joined the Nakasend6, 12 cho from Miyanokoshi. 
From this to Fukushima, where we stayed all night, is a distance of 
1 n 80 cho. This is a curious town; built on both sides of the river, 

'KurAgAchi was given as the name of this mountain at one place near Inabe. 

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and having communication by means of two bridges, although the busy 
part of the town is situated on the left bank. Like all large towns, it 
possesses no good hotel ; we stayed at the best, and found it very 


Leaving Fukushima we took the road along the right bank of the 
river for some distance, then turned to the right amongst low, wooded 
hills towards Kurozawa. A little beyond half-way we came to the 
entrance of a very beautiful glen, at the opening of which stood an 
immense crag of some silicious rock, approached by a bridge over the 
rivulet. It evidently was held sacred, from the fact that a platform had 
been built in front, and at various places round about images were 
placed. After about 20 minutes' walk through the glen we came to a 
more open and elevated part of the valley, near a small rest-house called 
Nakazawa, from which we had a magnificent View of the glen, with the 
dark, gloomy mass of the Shinshiu Koma-ga-take in the background. 
From this point the road kept ascending and winding till the torii facing 
Ontake- san, just above Kurozawa, was gained. Ontake lay 60° W. of 
N., and behind us was Shinshiu no Koma-ga-take 5° S. of E. Below 
us, the valley of Kurozawa appeared like a sort of amphitheatre, lined 
with dense cryptomerias, and from it we could almost trace the road up 
the mountain. From the village it lies nearly N. W., and is ascended 
during the late' part of the summer by bands of pilgrims. There is a 
very comfortable hotel kept by Mr. Hara. 

A short distance from Kurozawa two rivers, Odaki and Nishino, 
join, but from that point till they flow into the Kiso-gawa no name is 
given to the river. We wished to take the road into Hida by the 
Higesuri t6ge, ascending the valley of the Odaki, the right stream, and 
to the left of Ontake, but no one seemed to be aware of the existence of 
such a pass. They spoke of a Takeguchi tdge, and we afterwards 
learnt that during the chronological period Tempd (1880-44) the road 
into Hida led over the Higesuri tdge, but that more recently this had 
been abandoned, and a better road made two valleys distant. 

Leaving Kurozawa, we crossed the bridge over the Nishino-gawa 

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and ascended on the left bank of the Odaki, winding in and oat, 
now ascending, sow descending, by the road which ran at some height 
above the river, on the face of the hills. The scenery was by no 
means remarkable, differing in no respect from the common valley 
scenery of Japan. About 1| or 2 ri from Eurozawa, in one of the 
small side valleys, there was a waterfall of some prettiness. The water 
flowed down a narrow channel between ledges of rock, and over a series 
of steps in the same rock. At a higher point in the same valley the 
water fell in a pretty cascade, although small, over the irregular face 
of the rock. 

Our resting-place was Odaki, said to be three ri from .Eurozawa, 
although probably the ri were of 50 cho. The valley in which it lies 
runs at that point nearly east and west. The village is situated on the 
hill some distance from, and above, the river, and appears to be the 
resort of numerous pilgrims who come in bands to ascend Ontake-san. 
It is said to be 7 ri, of 86 cha> from this village to the summit, while 
the distance from Eurozawa is less. The time for the great incursion 
of pilgrims had not yet arrived, but even now there were a great many 
in the tea-houses. They form themselves into companies, and, under 
the guidance of a leader, who is generally elected on account of the 
number of times he has made the pilgrimage, start on their journey on a 
particular day, and are expected to arrive. at the various places on their 
way at fixed times. On that day the hotel keeper suspends, in a 
conspicuous place/ one of the small flags seen hanging in front of the 
house, with the badge of the band expected, or already in the house. 
The name of the keeper of the principal hotel is Taki. 

On the following morning we left Odaki to cross the Shindd into 
Mino. About 80 cho up the valley we passed the last village, Nikenya, 
to be found on this side of the pass. After walking along the valley, 
going up and down for an hour and a half, we descended to the 
bridge crossing the river a little above the place where it was joined 
by a tributary on the right bank. The bridge crossed over to the foot 
of a lofty crag, below which the water was of a brilliant green colour. 
Beyond the bridge the road followed the course of the tributary, and 
was very irregular and narrow. Sometimes it passed over rough and 
stony ground, sometimes along the face of a crag where a path had to 

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be made by placing trunks of trees lengthwise and binding them together 
and to the rock with the trailing stems of creepers, and sometimes over 
wet and clayey ground. After two hoars' walking from Odaki, we came 
to the bank of a little streamlet, close to the place where it flowed into 
the river whose coarse we were following, and very picturesquely 
situated. Bight opposite the point where the waters met rose a lofty 
crag, bare for a great distance up, and above, covered to the top, about 
800 ft. high, with trees. By walking down to the larger river over 
the sandy and gravelly bed, and looking up the main stream, we got 
a most charming view of the river as it flowed through a very narrow 
gorge— rocks with parallel sides, quite destitute -of vegetation near 
the water, but above with trees growing out and meeting above, forming 
a sort of tunnel, with the* clear, green, deep water of the river at the 
bottom. At the upper end of this gorge indications of the rapids could 
just be seen, as the river makes a somewhat sudden bend on entering 
the gorge. A pathway leads to a small open part of the rocky wall on 
one side, and here could be seen the holes in the opposite wall, made 
for the purpose of fixing barriers across when it is desired to stop the 
progress of the wood which is floated down this stream. 

After two hours' more climbing over the same kind of road as 
before, and always under the shade of the forest till just below the top, 
-we reached the summit, 4,670 feet above the sea. Seven cho down on 
the other side is a small stream of good water, which made an excellent 
spot for lunch. From the summit the valley appeared to proceed in a 
general direction 80° W. of S., but the day was too misty to permit us to 
make out any of the mountains in front. The distance from the summit 
to the bridge at the foot of the pass on the Mino side was 49 cho and 
took us 1 J hours. The road on this side was rather steeper than on 
the Shinshiu side, and in many places was very difficult. We descended 
under the shade of trees, over a road which frequently seemed to vanish 
altogether, ,and we were not sorry to arrive at the bottom. The 
view from the bridge, however, well repaid us. Below it, flowed the 
lovely, green water of the Doai-gawa, and looking towards the upper part 
of its course, immediately above the bridge, we saw it fall in a heavy, 
almost solid, mass over a portion of its bed about 15 ft. high, breaking 
into the whitest foam at its base. The channel then bent sharply to 

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the left, and about 10 or 20 feet below, again to the right at the point 
where it passed under the bridge. The sides of the channel were ver- 
tical and high, covered at the top with trees, and they served to cast 
into intense gloom the water near the bridge. The intense blackness 
of the water here gradually shaded off through the most lively green to 
the most brilliant white, as it approached the base of the fall, where it was 
illuminated by the sun's rays. Below the bridge the view was likewise 
striking and beautiful, but very different. The river widened and 
flowed in the shape of a crescent between hills at least 2,000 feet high, 
sharp, and thickly clad with trees. It then continued its course, and 
our road followed it at a considerable height, along a valley which, at 
first very narrow, after a distance of a n or rather more, made a bend, 
and then opened out into a broad, well- cultivated valley. The rocks 
in this district seemed to be much disintegrated, for we frequently 
passed over immense quantities which had fallen in a broken condition 
from the hills above. We remained all night at Chikechi, at the house 
of Mr. Miyada. 

The road we had taken was a &hindo> and has now entirely 
displaced the old Higesuri toge, so that the Eochd at Odaki told us that 
he knew of no coolies acquainted with that way. 

On the following morning we left Chikechi and walked down the 
valley for some distance, -.then turned to the right up a hill and passed 
through a pilgrims' village, in which all the houses appeared to have 
been quite recently built. From this the road led up over two hills, 
about 700 ft. above the village we started from, and after descending 
from the second one, we entered a broad valley, filled with rice-fields, 
and with a few houses scattered at considerable intervals. To the col- 
lection of houses in this valley, separated from one another often by 
half a mile, the name Kashimo-mura was given, and the river was called 
Kashimo-gawa. For about 1£ miles the road kept on the left .bank, 
and then crossed over to the opposite side and ascended a low hill which 
formed the dividing line between Hida and Mino. At the summit of the 
pass stood a large red torii, through which on a clear day could be seen 
the sacred mountain of Haku-san. From the summit to the first house 
in Mimaino, the village at the foot of the pass on the Hida side, was 
said to be 10 cho, but the village was almost as straggling as that of 

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Kashimo. It contained no tea-houses, and we had a walk of nearly a 
ri before we came to Nojiri, where there* is a very convenient resting 
place, kept by Mr. Imai. 

A small stream flowed from the pass through Mimaino and Nojiri, 
and we continued to follow it on the right bank for about 8 miles, where 
it made a sudden bend to the right, and was joined by another stream 
from a valley on the left. Up to this point the scenery had been pretty 
and pleasing — crags standing out here and there, and crevices in the 
rocks filled with vegetation. But at the bend the character of the scenery 
changed : — from being merely pretty, it became grand and gloomy. The 
gorge of the river was very narrow ; the sides inclined very steeply, and 
were covered with funereal-like cryptomerias with a luxuriance hardly to 
be imagined. The atmosphere seemed to become oppressive, and it was 
with a feeling of relief that, after about three-quarters of a mile, we emerged 
into the valley of the Masuda-gawa, an important river, flowing past 
nearly at right angles on its way to join the Eiso-gawa. From this 
point we passed up a broad valley bounded by moderately high hills, and 
filled with rice-fields, mulberry plantations, and cultivated fields — all 
indicating a pretty high degree of prosperity in this part of Hida. 
We saw no such signs in other parts of this province which we 
visited afterwards, but our observations were confined to the western 
boundary. • 

We passed through several good-sized villages, Nakaro — and at 
Gero we rested all night, and endeavoured to gain information about the 
proper route to take to ascend Haku-san, but we only succeeded in 
ascertaining the depth of ignorance in which the people were plunged. 
The next morning we came to a pretty large village, called Hagiwara, 
with two or three large streets, belonging to the federation Misato-mura. 
This is the name given to the collection of villages, of which I have 
mentioned three, Nakaro, Gero and Hagiwara, situated on the banks of 
the Masuda-gawa, and ruled by the local government seated in Gero. 
We afterwards came across two or three instances of the same arrange- 
ment, in which the mura seems to correspond to the ordinary word go. 
There is no definite spot called Misato, but this is merely a name given 
to the collection of villages. 


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At Hagiwara we obtained coolies to carry our light baggage, the 
greater part being sent direct tq Toyama through Takayama. Our 
intention was to cross over tho hills between this place and the right 
branch of the Masuda-gawa, called the Maze-gawa: to ascend it as far 
as possible, and then to cross over from that valley to that of the 
Shira-kawa, descending which would bring us to the base of Haku-san, 
which we wished to ascend from the Hida side. The ignorance dis- 
played by thb inhabitants of this province, even when we got quite 
close to the mountain, was astonishing, and the accounts we received 
from those who professed to know the road were as alarming as they 
proved to be inaccurate. On the map of Hida in our possession a road 
was indicated as -for as Kaware on the Maze-gawa ; it then ceased, 
and left a gap between that .village and Oppara. In the same way, a 
gap was indicated between the valley of the Maze-gawa and that of the 
Shira-kawa, and we were at first told that it would be necessary to go 
round into Mino, and to reenter Hida at the head of the Shira-kawa. 
Fortunately, at Kaware we met a man who had gone as far as the 
upper part of tho latter valley, and this proved that our undertaking 
was possible. 

Starting from Hagiwara we crossed the river in a boat guided by 
means of a rope stretched across the stream, and making straight away 
from tho river, we ascended the hill opposite the village. The road 
was steep and stony, but after an hour's walking we gained the summit, 
from which about 2 hours' walking down the valley on the other side 
brought us to Nakakiri, in tho valley of the Maze-gawa. From here to 
Euroishi is a little more than half a ri: Below the hill which separates 
this from the preceding village, Sugo, we passed a very fine temple 
belonging to the Ikko-shu sect of Buddhists, called Eeirinji. It was 
smaller, but decorated in the same style as the Honguwanji temples. 

From Kuroishi to the best house in Kaware — that of Mr. Tozo — 
. is one n, but we went half a ri farther on, and were lodged in a small 
private house belonging to Mr. Yohachi. All along this valley the 
mulberry trees, which seemed to be the principal thing grown, were 
cultivated in the old fashion, and were allowed to grow to large trees, 
thus giving the fields the appearance of orchards. The general effect 
was much more pleasing than that of tho fields in Shinshiu and other 

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provinces where the modern method is followed of catting down the 
trees to near the root, although it is said that in this way much finer 
leaves are obtained. 

The road from Kaware followed the direction of the river for nearly 
one ri on the right bank, where it crossed to the other side over a rude 
wooden bridge. Thence it ascended and descended to the level of a 
tributary of the Maze-gawa. This we crossed, and then climbed the 
Hills between it and the main river, which we touched, and crossed at a 
point right opposite Oppara. The valley of the Maze-gawa is hero 
much broader than above or below, and the ground seemed to be fairly 
well cultivated. The road between Kaware and Oppara did not present 
any difficulties whatever, although it is not indicated on any of the maps 
of Hida. It was nothing more than a footpath, it is true : not broad 
enough for horses or cattle, but in this respect it did not differ from the 
majority of the roads which are marked. On the hills above Oppara 
I found Scrophularia alata and a species of Cucubalus, 

From Oppara to Naradani the road was pretty good, and asoended 
on the right bank of the Maze-gawa. There being no tea-house in the 
village we were allowed to make use of a largo temple called Yukokuji, 
like the one near Kuroishi, to lunch in. After lunch we started to cross 
over the hills between this and the upper part of the Shira-kawa valley, 
another part not marked in the map. We here left the main stream and 
ascended a tributary on the right bank, up a pretty steep ascent, often 
crossing and recrossing the stream, to the top of the first pass, 910 feet 
above Naradani. From this we descended under the shelter of trees all the 
way to the right bank of a small stream which flowed into the Shira-kawa. 
Beyond the stream the path again ascended to the top of the second pass 
(4,160 ft. above sea level), from which we obtained a fine view of the 
Shira-kawa valley, with Haku-san, partly veiled in mist, in a direction 
80° W. of N. A descent of 15 cho between the two branches of .the 
Shira-kawa, called on our left and right respectively the Tera-kawa and 
Miwo-kawa, brought us, after crossing the latter, to Kurodani, throe ri 
from Naradani. Thus we had succeeded in traversing a second time, 
without any especial difficulty, a part of the road which the map-makers 
had evidently considered too uncertain to be indicated. A moderately 
good road along the right bank of the Shira-kawa brought us, after 

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passing many small villages united under the one government of Shoho- 
kawa-mura, to Iwase, 2} ri dewn the valley. This term mura includes 
all the smaller divisions under the name of kutni. In most of these 
hamlets the thatched roofs are made very much inclined, to prevent 
snow from lying on them in winter. In the whole of Hida tea-houses 
appeared to he wanting, and indeed, in most of the places we travelled 
through, the ordinary houses were few and distant. We always found 
some difficulty in getting accommodation for the night, various excuses 
being offered, until the Kocho succeeded in persuading some one to take 
pity upon us. In none of the villages did the people seem to regard us 
as objects of curiosity, as had been the case in most other parts of Japan 
where few foreigners were seen, and in Iwase this was explained when 
we found one old man who professed the greatest astonishment on 
learning that we were not Japanese officials. I have never been in any 
other part of Japan where so much ignorance prevails on almost every 
subject. Being cut off by high mountain ranges on almost every side, 
the inhabitants hear no news, and I should think received no instruction 
of any sort, judging from the apparent scarcity of schools. 

' After leaving Iwase we crossed to the left bank of the river a little 
below the village, after which we continued down the valley, sometimes 
near, qnd sometimes away from the river. About a ri beyond Iwase we 
crossed one of the principal tributaries to the Shira-kawa. Three ri 
more, over a very irregular road, brought us to Miboro, the village from 
which we were to make the ascent of Haku-san. For the purpose of 
dividing our baggage once more, We rested for a short time at the 
hotfse of Mr. Toyama, a rich farmer who has well kept rooms and who 
is willing to accommodate travellers. Although now reduced to the 
most moderate dimensions, with food for 4 days only, and sufficient 
covering to keep us warm, the Koch6 said that the baggage would 
require 6 men, and as the same amount was afterwards carried by one 
Kaga man along a level road, some idea may be formed of the difficulty 
of the ascent from this side. The heavier part of the baggage was left 
in Miboro, as we- intended to return there, and we took with us only 
what was absolutely necessary; but after the experience of the first 
afternoon, we could no longer wonder that the load of each man should 
be a light one. As the summit of tho mountain is clear only in the 

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early morning, it is necessary to sleep at the Murodd, and to make the 

final ascent from that point, which is 9 n from Miboro. But as we 

started too late to reach the Murodd in one day, we had to sleep in a 

small log cabin, 5 n up the valley. The following day we could go no 

further than the Murodd, and we therefore had to provide for three 

nights' camping out. 

We started from Miboro at 10.30 a.m. on the 81st July, and 

continued along the valley path for a short distance beyond the point 

where the Ojira-kawa flows into the main stream ; we then turned back 

at an acute angle and ascended by the left bank of this stream, which is 

of considerable size at this point. After about 45 minutes of somewhat 

difficult climbing, an earnest of what was to follow, we rested for lunch, 

and by 12 o'clock were again ready for a start. Beyond this we found 

many extremely difficult and dangerous places to get over, such as 

climbing up the face of a steep rock where the footing was almost nil 

supported only by the branch of a tree, or by the twining stem of a 

creeper. Two or three times, having to cross and recross the stream, 

we were able to do so with the help of stepping stones, but after the third 

time it had to be crossed by fording. This was neither an easy nor a 

safe task, on account of the depth and strength of the current. Indeed, 

oftentimes we should have found it impossible to cross without the 

assistance of our coolies, who, being wood-cutters, were accustomed to 

this kind of work. Up to the first fording I had been walking in boots 

with waraji underneath, but on exchanging them for tali and ivaraji I 

found the latter so good for this kind of climbing, not only because of the , 

ease with which one can wade though water, but also because the footing 

on smooth rocks is so much firmer, that I continued walking in them to 

the summit. The scenery all the way up was splendid ; at one place 

where we had to ford the river three times in about ten minutes, the 

river flowed with great speed through a narrow gorge, the vertical sides 

of which were brilliantly tinted with the crimson colours of azaleas and 

the early autumn tints of some creeper. Having passed through the 

gorge we found, on coming to land once more, that the ravine opened 

out into a semicircle, with a smooth sandy beach, while everywhere 

about immense cryptomerias formed a fit setting for this little gem. 

A short distance beyond this we left the course of the river, and ascended 

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under trees, nor did we again see the river until 4£ ri from Miboro was 
reached, a point from which we saw one branch of this river falling 
over the face of a rock for about 8§0 feet, a splendid example of a fall. 
The rock was remarkable : it looked as though it had been sliced right 
through, the other half having been carried away, thus leaving in front 
of the fall an immense amphitheatre. The river had worn a deep 
channel in the upper part of the wall, and escaped through the bottom, 
just as Eegon no taki at Nikko does. The fall can be seen only from 
the side of the valley, almost on a level with the top of the fall, and 
the point of observation also recalls the Nikkd waterfall; The face of 
the rock appeared to be formed of basaltic columns, sometimes vertical, 
sometimes bending into a funnel-like form, and at other times curved. 
The second (the right) branch of the river flows through a chasm on the 
opposite side of this rock, but forms no fall. The name of the water- 
fall is Shira-midzu no taki, and the most exaggerated reports of its 
height are current, but the height given above is probably as near the 
true height as the absence of accurate measurements will permit. 

The path now bent round and descended to the level of the stream 
a short distance above the fall, and after crossing it, and continuing at 
right angles to the direction of its flow, we descended sharply to the 
level of the right branch, at a point where several hot sulphur springs 
arise. Here we found the rude log cabin in which we were to spend the 
night. It had been built by wood-cutters, and was provided with 
several hooks, hanging 'from the beam of the roof, for the purpose of 
supporting pans and kettles over the fire, which we very soon had blazing. 

After enjoying a good night's rest, notwithstanding the hardness 
of the ground upon which we had to sleep, we continued our ascent 
the next morning, following the right branch of the Ojira-kawa for about 
l£ ri, jumping from stone to stone, or wading from one side to the other, 
but always in the bed of the stream, the water of which was intensely 
cold, slightly warmed here and there where a hot sulphur spring 
on the side sent its tiny rill into the main stream. At the end of the 
H ri we came to some small solfataras on the left bank, from which 
steam and sulphuretted hydrogen were escaping, and a crystalline 
deposit, consisting of sulphur and some white body, was being formed 
on the surface. ' * 

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Up to this point wo had met with nothing that could be called 
really hard climbing, but now, instead of being able to jump from stone 
to stone, or wading from one side, of the river to the other, we had 
to ascend the stream through the ice-cold water, just melted from the 
glaciers above, and to climb from stone to stone as the inclination of the 
valley became greater. Having ascended in this way about half a ri we 
came to the first glacier, or properly snow-slope. Being of a moderate 
inclination, this was comparatively a relief to us, and with the help of 
our iron-shod poles we ascended easily. This valley faced the E., and 
in crossing from it to the second valley, which faced N. E., we 
encountered some very steep places of loose earth and stones, which 
suggested remarks as to how they were to be descended. We ascended 
the second stretch of snow with some difficulty, as the inclination was 
greater, but our difficulties were much increased on leaving this and 
entering a smaller valley,. where the inclination of the snow was about 
80°. It was so steep that we could get scarcely any hold in spite of our 
spiked poles, and the only way I found it possible to make any progress 
was to drive down the pole into the snow, rest my right foot against it, 
and with the left scoop out a hole in the snow to rest upon, while I 
drew out the pole in order to drive it in higher up. This was a very 
laborious process, and heartily glad I was when we got to the upper 
part of this stretch, although tlje most dangerous part of the valley 
still lay before us. This was a narrow and steep gorge, apparently 
worn by weathering out of a lava stream, and well named Jigohu dani, 
which we might translate freely as " the valley of the shadow of 
death." While climbing this we had literally to hold on with hands 
and feet, and at one narrow place it was only possible for one 
to ascend at a time, the others keeping sheltered under a large rock just 
above them, from the shower of stones let loose by the one ascending. 
At first we did not appreciate the danger, but while waiting uncon- 
cernedly the ascent of the first coolie, we were suddenly started by his 
frantic shouts and by the sound of something falling. Instinctively 
creeping in towards the side and under the shadow of the rock, we were 
only just in time to avoid a large fragment of stone, which would have 
been certain death to any one in its way. After that experience we were 
more careful. The difficulties of that valley were, however, not yet 

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over, and one of the worst places was quite close to the top, where the 
earth was .so loose, and the inclination so steep, that the danger of slipping 
was very great. The most active of the coolies managed to get over it, 
and these assisted the rest over with the help of a pole. This brought 
us to the upper edge of the ridge, from which we could see the summit 
of Haku-san rising high above us, while in other directions, an infinite 
number of hills rolled away to the horizon. From the Jigoku dani to 
the slope on the other side, at the base of Haku-san proper, was like 
passing from winter to summer. On this slope numerous flowers 
bloomed in all their native beauty, many which I had not hitherto found 
elsewhere ; most noticeable of all the curious little FritiUariaKatmcliatensis. 
From the edge of the ridge we descended to the stream* and following 
this down a little way we left it and ascended a branch stream to the 
edge of the slope from, which the summit of Haku-san rises. After 
walking about half an hour over this, we reached the Murodo — a small 
wooden house inhabited during the summer for 80 or 40 days by a 
priest and hotel-keeper -in .one, who not only provides for the material 
wants of the pilgrims in the shape of rice, but also attends to the spiritual 
cravings of their nature by accompanying them to the summit, from 
which he points out the principal mountains to be seen. 

The accommodation was of the rudest description, and deeidedly 
inferior to that of the previous night at the hot springs, where there 
was, indeed, a separate hut for our coolies. The room in the Murodd 
was larger, and divided by a partition into two parts, but there was no 
difference as to the desirability of sleeping in either. Had the night not 
.been so bitterly cold, it would have been pleasanter to sleep in the open 
air than. in the hut, as we did, surrounded by our coolies, and by some 
pilgrims who had arrived from Mino, and suffocated by the smoke from 
the burning logs in the middle of the floor, which had no outlet but the 
too small door. 

We were obliged to remain here the whole afternoon, although the 
summit was free from clouds during the greater part of the time, because 
the rest of the country was enveloped in a thick mist, and the growling 
of the thunder indicated that a storm was in progress somewhere. The 
next morning, rising before daylight, we were able to reach the summit 
before sunrise. The ascent from the hut is quite easy, and took us only 

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25 minutes. From the top a magnificent view of the Hida and Shinshiu 
ranges, with others farther distant, was obtained. Beginning with the* 
most northerly we saw Tate-yama, 58° E. of N.; Yari-ga-take, 20° 
N. of E.; Nori-knra, 8° S. of E.; Yatsu-ga-take and Koshiu no Koma-ga- 
take very faint; On-take-san, 60° E. of 8.; and lastly Shinhhiu no 
Koma-ga-take very faint. Besides these there were the lower mountains 
immediately surrounding Haku-san, as Bes-san, its nearest neighbour. 
Haku-san is apparently part of the ridgo of an old crater, of which there 
-were probably two close together, the peaks called Tsurugi and Oku-no-in 
forming the remains of the other sides. All appear now to be composed 
of loose stones, lava of various kinds. Haku-san itself is the largest and 
highest, but the other points cannot be more than 50 to 100 feet lower. 
The relations of the peaks will be seen by reference to the diagram of 
the summit. The dotted lines indicate what were probably the two 

/<>• 4-. 


M^ 8 * J 


OfCu-KQ i-rv 

craters, each with a lake at the bottom ; there is a third smaller pool 
almost directly west of the Koya-ga-ike, but which is probably not a 
third crater. The crater of which Haku-san forms one side was probably 
the earliest, the north one having been formed afterwards, and the 
stream of lava which apparently flowed away to the north has been 
subsequently denuded. The water in Koya-ga-ike is of a dull colour, 
while that of tho northern lake is of a beautiful turquoise, both perfectly 

vol. vra. 6 

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At the west end of Haku-san is a striking mass of rock, which 
resembles the watch-tower of an old castle, and is called 6takara-no- 
kura or " the store-house of precious things." 

The height of Haku-san is approximately 800 ft. above the Murodd, 
and 8,700 ft. above the sea ; Koya-ga-ike is 850 ft., and the northern 
lake 400 ft. below the summit. 

A descent of 25 minutes brought us again to the Murodd, from 
which after a slight refreshment we started to descend to* Yumoto, on 
the Kaga side. The previous afternoon we had decided not to return to 
Miboro, as the descent of the Jigoku dani and the snow- slopes would be 
worse than the ascent, but to endeavour to reach Toyama by skirting 
the range between Hida and Kaga and Etchiu. This we afterwards 
found was not possible, the pnly way being to make for Kanazawa and 
from that place to get to Toyama by following the main road, the 
Hokurokud6. We sent word to the Kocho of Miboro to send our 
baggage to Toyama, where we found it on our arrival. 

Leaving the Murodo the road continued for about a ri and a half 
down the slope of Haku-san, and was very steep and stony, for which 
kind of road and direction tabi and waraji are quite unsuitable. Beyond 
the foot of the mountain proper the road ran along a narrow spur, 
descending always, sometimes gently, sometimes down very steep and 
rugged parts. In many places the back of the spur was very narrow, 
and it was possible to look down into a deep valley on either side, that 
on our left being called Yanagi dani, and that on the right Yu no tani. 
Through each ran a river, the two streams uniting about 8 cho below 
Yumoto. In passing one point we could hear the roar of a waterfall, 
but on account of the thick mist which enveloped everything, we could 
see nothing of it. Our guide said that it was 40 ken (240 ft.) high. 

About 1 ri before reaching Yumoto the road became very steep, and 
even the coolies slipped several times. For some distance the path was 
provided with cross-bars, just as on Nantai-zan. After four hours walk- 
ing we arrived at Yumoto, situated on the right branch of the river, and 
said to be 4£ ri from the Murodd. 

The village consists of a collection of hotels for the benefit of those 
who wish to bathe in the chalybeate waters of the place. We stopped 
a day and a half at the hotel of Mr. Yamada, where we were very 

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comfortable and well cared for. The village is completely shut in by 
densely wooded hills, and beyond what can be seen from the village 
itself, which is prettily situated, there is nothing to interest the 

There is only one bath, which is divided by a railing into two parts, 
for men and women respectively. The water is muddy and of a greenish 
colour, whilst the towels which were hung out to dry had a reddish tint, 
proving the presence of a proto-salt of iron dissolved in the water, 
probably ferrous carbonate dissolved in carbonic acid. Besides this 
there is a spring the water of which is charged with carbonic acid, 
though not quite so strong as the Nassau waters. There were no signs 
of any sulphuretted hydrogen waters, which, taken into account with 
the very slight evidences of volcanic activity mentioned above, the hot 
springs and the solfataras, indicates that the volcanic forces are feeble in 
this mountain compared, for example, with Tate-yama or Asama-yama, 
or even Fuji-san. 

During the winter the valley is said to be filled with snow to a 
depth of 15 or 20 ft., but about the 4th or 5th month it is sufficiently 
cleared to permit the village to be reinhabited. 

On the 4th of August we descended the valley towards Ushikubi, 
5 ri from Yumoto. The path was narrow and stony in places, and 
for some distance the scenery did not differ much from that round 
Yumoto. But about 8 ri down the valley, the left bank of the stream 
became bolder — lofty crags stood out, and vertical walls, covered in 
patches with cryptomerias,. rose from the river to a great height. 
The whole of this part reminded me greatly of the Palisades of the 
Hudson. Below this the valley became less remarkable, till we arrived 
at Ushikubi, a village of considerable size, remarkable for the great 
height of the houses, and the great inclination of their roofs, indicating 
great depth of snow during the winter. We lunched at a very good 
hotel kept by Mr. Nagai, a wealthy farmer. About 2£ ri below Ushi- 
kubi we passed through Fukazimura, a little way beyond which is a 
remarkable bridge over the Tetori-gawa. It is very high above the 
water, and the foundations are very strongly built, apparently to permit 
the water to raise very high during the spring floods without prevent-, 
ing the passage over it. 

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The character of the lower part of the valley of the Tetori, tho 
river we had been following, was that of a winding, rocky and wooded 
valley. In one or two places the views were striking, and different from 
those of most valleys, but on the whole the scenery was monotonous. 
After resting all night in poor quarters at Onnawara, we continued 
our way down the valley through fields of hemp and tobacco. We 
gradually descended on the level of the terrace at some height above the 
river, and the whole of the level part seemed well cultivated. Higher 
than this road we were on was another terrace, evidently an earlier 
bed of the river, which has now cat fpr itself a gorge through the later 
bed. Passing through Yoshino and Tsurugi we reached Eanazawa, 
also called Oyama by the country people, where we saw many houses 
marked with the ominous strip of yellow paper, a sign of cholera being 
in the house. From* Eanazawa we got kuruma to Tsubata, where we 
stayed all night at Nishijima-ya, and found ourselves well treated and 
very comfortable. 

Just beyond Tsubata the road has to cross a range of low hills 
between Kaga and Etchiu. Now there is a shindo, along which kuruma 
can go with ease over the Amata toge. . The new road branches off from 
the Hokurokud6 at Take-no-hashi, and rises very .gradually. The 
greater part of the surface, however, is very rough, but if properly rolled 
would be an excellent road, upon which it would not be necessary for 
the kuruma coolies to go at a walking pace. It joins the main road at 
the beginning of Imaisurugi, four ri from Tsubata. Just at the point 
where the shindo meets the old road at right angles, we found an officer 
stationed with a minute squirt bottle filled with a solution of carbolic 
acid, with which he vainly endeavoured to disinfect travellers coming 
from the direction of Eanazawa. As our kuruma dashed round the 
corner of the road, the officer gave us a severe look, but seemed to come 
to the conclusion that we were free from infection, and so allowed us to 
pass without further molestation. Four ri eight cho beyond Imaisurugi 
we passed through Takawoka, which was just being rebuilt after a very 
extensive fire. To Eosugi the road is quite level and bordered with 
various trees, pine, etc. The road stijl continues level for 1^ n more, 
winding in and about rice-fields, though it is not very evident why it 
should not have been made straight and shorter. About 1 ri from 

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To jama the road ascends and crosses a group of hills, which divide the 
plain of Etchiu into two parts. Vehicles can easily go over the hills, 
and at the eastern side the road passes through a considerable cutting, 
from which the traveller has a magnificent view of the Hida, Shinshiu and 
Etchiu ranges. At the base of the hill the new road rejoins the old one, 
which is lined with pine as far as Toyama. * This is a pretty large 
town, situated on both banks of the Jindzu-gawa, which we crossed by a 
bridge of boatfi. "We stayed at Hirai-ya, in the upper part of the town. 
The next day it rained so heavily that we decided to improve our chance 
of having fine weather for the ascent of Tate-yama by waiting here for 
another day. We learnt that in Toyama there were from 80 to 40 
eases of cholera per day, but we did not ascertain the percentage of 
deaths. The inhabitants endeavoured . to propitiate the irate deities by 
hanging shimenawa all over the town. On each side of every street 
were hung festoons of straw ropes with gohei hanging from them, either 
of the usual shape, as they are found attached to sticks, or formed by 
making two parallel cuts in a rectangular sheet of paper, then bending 
the middle of the three strips backwards and attaching it to the rope, 
so that the two outer strips hang down like the prongs of a two- 
pronged fork. Jhis form is never fixed to a stick, but is used only for 
the shimenawa. In addition to the lines of rope, in many streets there 
were also zigzags stretched from side to > side. After being consecrated 
by the priest, the shimenawa are hung up, but nevertheless they did not' 
seem to be very certain in their effects, for we noticed that some of the 
houses which were protected in this way had the dismal yellow papers 
hung up over them. 'In one street, indeed, almost every house was 
thus distinguished. 


The morning of the 8th August proved to be dull, but as it was not 
raining we decided to start. We were unable to obtain horses to 
convey our luggage, even over the plain, the reason given by the 
kwcaisha being that all the available horses were employed in the 
coaches which run along this part of the Hokurokudo. We had to rest 
satisfied with this assurance, although the transport of the baggage by 
coolies caused us considerable delay. 

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To Kamidaki, at the south-east corner of the plain, the road ran 
through rice-fields, bordered in most cases with an edging of millet. 
All the way along we might have had a fine view of Tate-yama and the 
neighbouring mountains had it been clear, as at the beginning of our 
walk we could now and then catch glimpses of one or other of the peaks 
peeping above the clouds. But before we had reached the other side of 
the plain, just below the bluff which forms its boundary, clouds enveloped 
everything; and rain began to fall. Kamidaki is situated at the foot of 
the above mentioned bluff, and is a larger village than most of those in 
the mountainous regions we had hitherto passed through. From this 
village we at once ascended the hill, and found ourselves on a plateau 
which ran for nearly a ri, until the road descended towards the banks of 
the Jdguwanji-gawa/ which it kept close to as far as Okada-mura. Near 
this I found a species of Lycoris, belonging to the family of the Amaryl- 
lidace®, which we were told was called in Japanese, " Ha mizu hana 
mizu," i.e. " the flowers do not see the leaves." From this village, which 
appeared to consist of one house only, we proceeded up the valley to 
Hara-mura. On account of the heavy rains the river was very much 
swollen, and the road in places had been washed away, so that we had 
to wade through the stream. The river bed is a very broad one, and 
there were a great many streams rushing down various parts of the bed 
with such velocity that the noise of the stones being carried down, 
grating against the bottom and against one another, was like the sound 
of distant cannonading. Above the river on either side were terraces 
which were the remains of an older bed . of the river. It was over the 
terrace on the left bank that our road went, except when we had to 
descend in a few places to the level of the water. The only hills to be 
seen were the low ones on each side of the valley, and they were 
grassy — not at all wooded. About 8 ri from Kamidaki we crossed a 
tributary of the Jdguwanji-gawa, on the banks of which were numerous 
lime-kilns, indicating the nature of the rock of this neighbourhood. 
During all this time it continued to rain heavily, so that the road 
became little better than a water-course.- Massing through Omiya and 
Hongu, we arrived at Hara-mura, the rain having ceased, and there 
being every prospect of fine weather held out by the appearance of the 
sky. This promise was fulfilled in the early morning, though the fall in 

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the barometer during the night warned us to expect farther bad weather. 
Leaving Hara-mnra we ascended the gentle slope of the valley for about 
a n, after which we entered what seemed, at the beginning, to be a 
beautiful wooded ravine. The path was tolerably good for a consider- 
able distance (we had now entered upon the shindo between Etchiu and 
Shinshiu), running along the face of the steep hills on the left bank of 
the river. By and by, however, the heavy rains having broken down 
part of the original road, we were obliged sometimes to scramble up the 
bed of the river, and sometimes to make our way at a high elevation 
above the river, across masses of loose earth which had slipped down 
and left nothing but a mere talus of wet clay, which might at any time 
have given way under the additional pressure. Beyond this we had 
again to descend to the river, and make our way, first along the level 
sandy bed which had not yet become disintegrated, and afterwards from 
boulder to boulder. The scene became grand and savage in the 
extreme ; huge boulders scattered about the bed — immense, bare crags 
rising sheer from the river, and the roaring, rushing stream, carrying 
down stones with a noise which sounded like thunder — all combined to 
impress one with the grandeur of the Dashi-wara-dani. 

At the head of this valley two streams join, and our path led 
us for a very short distance up the side of the cliffs on the left bank 
of the stream. We soon descended rapidly to the bridge, or rather 
the place where it had been before it had been washed away. In its 
place a kago no watashi had been put up for the purpose of crossing 
the stream. Having heard most romantic descriptions of this appar- 
atus, we were not a little excited on hearing, as we did at Hara-mura, 
that it would be necessary to cross in one of these baskets. The very 
name seemed to conjure up a picture of a narrow, lofty ravine, parallel- 
sided, with a rope stretched across high above the river, and a luckless 
individual swinging in {he basket half-way across. The first sight of 
the actual circumstances quickly drove all the romance away. About 
8 or 10 feet above the water a rope was stretched and fastened securely 
to two rocks, one on either side, and hanging from the rope was an 
ordinary mountain kago, with a rope from each end carried to the two 
banks of the river. At one side was a coolie, whose duty it was to 
paU the kago and its load across, which, he did by a series of jerks 

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more resembling the jumping of a frog than any reasonable mode of 
progression. The changes of feeling of the person crossing were 
well marked in the varying expressions of his countenance. A look 
of confidence and excitement, assumed on entering, speedily changed 
to one of anxiety as he found himself hanging by a single rope over the 
boiling torrent, and being dragged over by jerks, while, on suddenly 
coming to land, as it were, against the smooth, rounded stone which 
had to serve as a landing place, an expression of pain, which escaped 
him for an instant, was immediately succeeded by one of an embar- 
rassed reflection as to the possible means of getting out. It was not 
an easy nor a rapid process of getting ourselves and luggage across, 
but after spending about an hour we again continued our journey. 
We then climbed over the hill which separated us from the right stream, 
up the bed of which we ascended for some time, with views as grand 
and majestic as those in the Dashi-wara-dani, till we turned to the 
right and ascended the "road of 99 turnings." The Japanese use 
the numbers 99 and 48 to express a large number, in the same way 
as we are in the habit of using the number 1001. The road of the 
"forty-eight shallow-reaches " in Musashi is another instance of this. 

"We ascended to the summit, about 4,000 ft. above the sea, under 
trees, then after walking along the ridge for a short distance we 
descended to the plain, beyond which we crossed a tributary over a 
bridge very much out of repair, and after another ascent and descent 
we again entered the valley of the stream we left at the " road of 
99 turnings." This valley consisted of a large, flat, open space covered 
with large boulders, the remains of the great earthquake of 1858, which 
broke away half of the mountain on one side. A walk across this plain 
brought us to the baths, which appear to be very much patronized. The 
accommodation is of the poorest kind, both as regards lodging and 
bathing. During the night the rain came down in torrents, and only 
ceased towards the morning. As the barometer, however, had risen 
during the night, we trusted to having finer weather, and so we decided 
to start, and, if necessary, wait at the Murodo for a fine day to ascend 
to the summit of Tate-yama. By the time our baggage was divided, 
part being sent on directly to Omachi, the sky had cleared to a great 
extent. We then started, and crossing the river which flows through 

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the Dashi-wara-dani, made for the red-coloured precipitous hill to the 

west of the baths. After a walk of 5 or 10 minutes we reached the base, 

passing a dirty, yellowish-green pool of water, and we then climbed f to 

the top of this hill, np the bed of a water course, which required 

considerable exertion. Half an hour's hard climbing in this way brought 

us to a level space at the top of this ridge, after crossing which we came 

to the foot of the steepest bit of climbing we were to meet with. This 

was the rocky bed of a series of cascades, and if there had been much 

water, which fortunately for us there was not, it would have been 

impossible to make the ascent. At it was, the constant climbing from 

stone to stone, up an average inclination of 45°, was very arduous. As 

the sky had cleared, the views we got on looking back were worth all 

the trouble of the ascent. After rising for about an hour in this way, 

we came to a ridge which permitted us to rest, and from which we had 

a magnificent view of the valleys leading into the valley of the baths. 

The streams flowing through each of these looked like wavy, silver 

threads, and, contrasted with the green foliage around, presented a 

* picture of extreme beauty. Above this point, instead of having to 

climb from stone to stone, we had to climb up an earthy, slippery, 

slope with the assistance of trees and branches which hung over us. 

Above this, again, just before reaching the top of this part of the 

ascent, we came to an almost vertical rock, with a few projecting 

ledges, by which we were enabled to climb up, using hands and feet. 

Progression in boots in such places would be quite impossible : it is 

difficult enough wearing waraji, which possess a considerable degree of 

flexibility. From the upper part of this ascent can be seen Tengu-bira, 

Washi-ga-dake, and, up the Yu-dani, a deep lake called Kari-komi-ga-ike. 

Into this lake the presiding deity of Tate-yama is said to have driven all 

the hurtful animals of the district, in the same* way as a gardener throws 

decayed leaves, etc., into a pit, and so the same name was given to the 

lake. In Yu-dani there is another lake of hot sulphur water, called 

Magodani. On the right we saw the lake which we passed last night 

just before reaching the baths. It was called Dashi-wara-no-ike. 

From the top of this ridge we descended for a considerable distance 
by a muddy and boggy path, till we emerged on a grassy plain, about 
the middle of which we came upon the regular route from Ashikuraji. 

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Following this road we again ascended the rocky beds of several small 
mountain streams, until we reached a large, flat plate of stone, 
supported vertically, and called Kagami-no-iwa (mirror rock). Beyond 
the stone we passed up the boulder-covered slope of the mountain, and 
past several stretches of snow, till we reached the Murodd. Since the 
time we came to the usual road, the rain had fallen heavily, and a dense 
mist prevented our seeing anything whatever. 

The Murodd was in much worse condition than that on Haku- 
san : the draughts had much freer access to the inside, the mats were 
much coarser, and the annoyance from the wood fire was quite as 

Late in the afternoon it cleared up sufficiently to permit us to visit 
the remarkable solfataras, situated in a valley about 6 cho distant from 
the hut. Turning to the left on leaving the Murod6, we passed between 
two lakes, one shallow, with sloping sides, the other, on the left, with 
vertical sides, and water of an intensely green colour, and probably, as 
Dr. Naumann thinks, an old crater. Further on we came to the brow 
of a hill from which, on a clear day, a bird's-eye view of the solfataras • 
can be obtained* Descending the stony side of the hill, we reached the 
soft, and sometimes muddy, bottom of the valley, which is broken up 
by two or three mounds, of a pale yellow colour at a distance, but which 
when seen nearer were found to be composed of a mixture of sulphur and 
a white rock, probably a decomposed granite. From several points at the 
lower part of these mounds issue jets of steam, mixed with sulphuretted 
hydrogen, which deposit sulphur upon the sides of the opening. From 
one of these openings the steam issued with a terrific noise, and with 
sufficient force to carry lumps of the deposited sulphur 10 to 15 feet 
away. The hissing sound caused by the number of steam jets suggested 
a large engineering establishment in full operation. In another part of 
the same valley we saw a large circular pit, in which a yellowish mud 
was kept boiling and being projected to a height of 8 or 10 feet, falling 
back again into the pit, or flowing over through a channel which carried 
it off to a lower part of the valley. At the other end of the valley was 
a much larger mud geyser, but the colour of the mud was different, as 
it appeared to contain less sulphur ; it is said that some years ago a 
violent eruption of this geyser took place* Mr. Nakazawa, who visited 

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these solfataras in 1877, said that everything was mnch more violent 
now than formerly. Scattered %bout were very small ponds of boiling 
water, through which gas escaped, and in some of them it was carious 
to notice the form that the mud at the bottom toot as the gas babbled 
through. The gas rose at first through a small hole, which widened at 
the top, so that the bottom looked as a range of mountains would do if 
they were hollow and could be seen from the inside. 

The experience we had of the Murodd folly confirms the account 
published in the Japan Herald of 1878. It is, without exception, 
the worst we have met with, and it is remarkable that, although a 
larger number of pilgrims ascend this mountain than ascend Haku-san, 
the accommodation is so much worse. Not that the Murodd on 
Haku-san is by any means a desirable habitation, but there are degrees 
of badness, and the latter had the merit of being comparatively wind- 
proof, and at least of being provided with doors. In the hut in which 
we spent the night before ascending Tate-yama, the door had to be 
closed with matting, there being no other means at hand of keeping 
' out the bitterly cold wind. A night spent in any of these huts is 
neither a good preparation for the fatigues of the coming ascent, nor 
a relief from those of the past. 

Rising early, we felt ourselves repaid for the exertions made to 
ascend to the Murodd, by seeing the atmosphere quite clear about the 
summit, and all the peaks appearing grandly through the moonlit air. 
Accompanied by our guide we crossed the short stretch of level ground 
between the hut and the base of the mountain, for a short distance 
over the snow. The ascent was pretty direct, rising tolerably easily 
at first, but after passing the first shrine, 860 ft. above the Murodd, 
on a level with the ridge which connects Jo do -Ban with the Gohonsha, 
the highest peak, the ascent became difficult. From the second shrine 
(1050 ft. above the Murodd) we- had good view of the mountains in the 
neighborhood of the Japan Sea, with the promontory of Noto stretching 
away N. W., and here we got our first view of Fuji-san from this region. 
Continuing the ascent we came upon the ridge, from which the actual 
summit rises very sharply, crowned with a very picturesque temple. 
Seeing the peak from the ridge one can understand how it received the 
name Tate-yama (Standing peak), for it rises head and shoulders above 

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any of the others,' and serves the mariner as a beacon. The ascent, 
not including stoppages, took us exactly one hour ; whereas from the 
Marod6 to the summit of Haku-san we were not more than 25 minutes, 
over a much easier road. Magnificent as the view from Haku-san 
was, it was far surpassed by that obtained from the summit of this 
mountain, and we were extremely fortunate in having a morning so 
clear that every point could be distinguished with the greatest ease — 
mountain after mountain rolling away in the distance until they ended 
in the beautifully formed cone of Fuji-san, on the opposite coast of 

Tate-yama is the name given to a range of mountains, all of which 
are very high, and appear to be above 9,000 ft. above the sea. The 
range runs nearly north and south, except the extreme point south, 
where the direction changes to S. W. This point is called J6dosan, and 
it is connected with the Gohonsha by a low ridge running nearly N. £. 
Beyond the latter the range runs nearly N., and includes the high, sharp 
peak called Onanji, then two lower rounded mountains, Manago-dake 
and Bes-san, and is terminated at the north end by a high, striking, 
rocky point, called Tsurugi-dake. The number of mountains to be 
distinguished from the summit on a clear day is, perhaps, greater than 
from any other mountain in Japan, unless it be Yari-ga-take in Hida. 
Looking to the east we see on the extreme left, Miydkon-san and 
Miy6gi-san in Echigo, then the Shinshiu Togakushi-san, the Nantai-zan 
of Chiusenji, Yone-yama in Echigo, Asama-yama, with its cloud of 
smoke distinctly visible. Then toward the south we see the range 
of Yatsu-ga-take, with its isolated peak, Tateshima-yama ; beyond this 
the simple eone of Fuji-san, and the two Koma-ga-take, in Kdshi and 
Shinshiu. To the south of these again we find Ontake-san in Shinshiu, 
Yari-ga-take, Norikura, and the pointed Easa-ga-dake, all in Hida; 
nearer to us is Yakushi-dake, and almost south-west is Haku-san. 
This is the last of the circle of mountains, and now we come to the 
plains of Eaga and Etchiu l the latter watered by the distinctly visible 
rivers Jindzu-gawa, Joguwanji-gawa, Eamichi-gawa, and nearly north 
of us, the Eurobe-gawa. All seem to enter the sea. 

On the summit there are no lakes such as we found on Haku-san, 
nor other evidences of the existence of the crater, except the generally 

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volcanic nature of the rocks. All traces have probably been washed 
away, leaving only harder rocks standing np isolated. The height of 
the highest peak (Gohonsha) is about 9,250 ft. above the sea. 

While we were still on the summit a number of pilgrims came up, 
and although there was scarcely room for us to remain with any feeling 
of safety, it was too good an opportunity of seeing a mountain service 
to be lost. After some time had been spent in conversation with the 
priest, in which the sum of yo rid was frequently mentioned, the priest 
sank on his knees in front of the shrine, with all the pilgrims kneeling 
around him, and offered up a prayer in which the names Tate-yama 
and Ishikawa occurred many times, after which he clapped his hands 
and a general cry of "namu amida butsu" followed, and when the 
prayer was ended the most devout said " arigato" The priest then 
rose from his knees and addressed his audience, giving them an account 
of Izanami and Izanagi, after which he brought out various relics — 
a spear, a sword, various coins, and a mirror — all of which were 
received with exclamations of astonishment and intense satisfaction. 
Rice and sake were next distributed, upon which the pilgrims departed, 
having paid their pence beforehand. The whole ceremony seems to 
have been a curious mixture of Buddhism and Shintdism — the people at 
various times interposing with "namti amida, 1 * which they mumbled 
till it sounded like " na-am." 

After having spent about two hours on the summit we descended 
as fur as the lowest shrine, by the same road that we took in ascending, 
but at this point, instead of turning to the right in the direction of the 
Murodd, we crossed over the ridge of Jddosan, and entered the valley 
called Gozen-dani, which faced nearly S. E. We were informed that 
this was the shortest way to Eurobe, which was said to be 2£ ri 
distant. Descending first a slope covered with heather, with here and 
there large boulders scattered about, we noticed a bright yellow 
ranunculus (R. Acris) and specimens of Anemone narcissiflora growing ; 
beyond .this slope we came to a talus of loose stones, the descent of 
which was difficult and dangerous, for the stones being quite loose, 
one might slip and receive a severe fall, or, if below, he might receive 
a stone from above. Having got over this difficulty we had next some 
fatiguing work, especially when wearing tcaraji, descending the rocky 

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bed of a very cold mountain stream, succeeded by a descent down a 
gentle slope of snow, and again down the river bed till we came to 
where a second valley, coming from the left of Jddo-san, joined the 
Gozen-dani. This part had taken us two hours, and we had not yet 
got half way to Kurobe. From this, we ascended the tributary stream 
for some distance, then diverged to the left up a smaller bed, so as 
to cross over the ridge separating us from the valley of the Zoragoye, 
where we expected to join the shindo. The ascent was very steep, 
resembling the ascent to the Murodd from the " Tate-yama baths ; when 
near the top we turned away to the left, and entered a jungle', which, 
at first level, began to descend rapidly. Climbing through the branches 
of the creeping hari note, down fern slopes which treacherously 
conceale4 the rough, sharp stones forming the surface of the hill, and 
having to force our way through thick masses of bamboo (ne duke), 
all the while descending, and having to use the greatest care to avoid 
bruises from the sharp stones, formed/ one of the most* difficult tasks 
of our journey. After two hours of this trying work — trying both to 
constitution and temper — we reached the level of the stream, only to 
find the shindo, which we had expected to strike here, far away above 
us on the opposite side of the valley. As our guides said that we 
could not get down the river, because, as it neared the Kurobe-gawa 
it became deep and could not be forded, we were obliged to ascend 
the river for about half an hour, till we came to the bridge where the 
shindo crosses the river. From this point we ascended to the top 
of the Kariyasu-zaka in twenty minutes, and forty-five minutes more 
down a zigzag path brought us to* the clean and nice looking little 
hotel at Kurobe. We had taken 6J hours to go a distance said to be 
2£ to, the time including half an hour for lunch. This village contains 
only this house and another on the opposite side of the river, which 
is here crossed by a very solidly built bridge. The second house is 
of a much lower class. Here we obtained sheets showing the direction 
of the shindo, according to which a large number of villages exist 
along the road. At present, however, they are each represented by 
one, or at most two, log cabins, unoccupied except in one or two 

Starting about 6 o'clock the next morning, we crossed over the 

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bridge, and passing the second house, made our way under trees up 
one of the side valleys opening on the right bank of the Eurobe-gawa, 
the road keeping close to the river for a considerable distance, and in 
pretty good condition, except in one or two places. After walking for 
one hour we came to where the valley opened into a semicircle of huge 
crags, rising sheer from the ground for about 1,000 ft. . Beyond this 
we passed for three-quarters of an hour through a narrow glen to 
the left, and at the end of that time we came to the commencement 
of the steepest part of the ascent, from which the dip between 
the two mountains on either side of the pass could be seen. An 
hour's hard climbing up a zigzag path, with alder trees growing 
round about, brought us to the summit, exactly 2£ hours after 
leaving Enrobe. The barometer indicated a height of 7,750 feet above 
sea level. From the summit a fine view of the deep valleys, with 
which the whole of this region is intersected, was obtained. With 
the exception of Fuji-san, which appeared S. £. through a dip in two 
of the nearer hills, and the ranges of Yatsu-ga-take and Koma-ga-take, 
no prominent mountains are visible : the view is confined to the hills of 
the range, all about the same height. The mountains on the N. W. of 
the pass hid Tate-yama, and to the east nothing could be seen. We 
were almost as much favoured with fine weather as up Tate-yama, 
although in this case there was not such an extensive view to be 
obtained, although in its way it was equally magnificent. 

The distances along this route are by no means accurately known, 
but considering the rate at which we walked and the time taken 
(2f. hours), the summit is probably 2£ ri from Eurobe. Our coolies 
took 4 hours. After waiting for them, we started on our descent at 10 
o'cloek, and joined a new zigzag path which had been lately made to 
replace the old one, which was destroyed in many places. The descent 
was very sharp, and we felt impelled to jump down at a much more 
rapid pace than we adopted in ascending, although it was a painful 
experience from the sharp edges presented by the freshly broken stone. 
After one hour and a half of this the road become less steep, though 
still stony and difficult, until just before reaching Shirazawa, where it 
was comparatively level. The scenery of this valley was very fine ; 
here and there we saw patches of snow in the bed of the valley below 

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us and in some of the side ravines, though in no place were we obliged 
to touch snow. At one point in crossing over a side stream we passed 
between snow, above and below us, but at that point where the path 
crossed the stream the snow had disappeared entirely, and in other 
parts nothing but a mere shell was left, with deep caverns beneath, and 
the water flowing at the bottom. On continuing along the path, we 
rose a little and saw that the surface was so completely covered with 
debris as entirely to hide the snow. 

After walking for 2 J hours from the summit we reached Shirazawa, 
which consists of a single hut, in which an old man was living, though 
the place boasts of no accommodation for travellers except a few basins 
and plates. It is tolerably clean, however, and would be better than 
the Murodd to sleep in, if any one thought of commencing the ascent of 
the Harinoki toge from that point. 

The small quantity of snow found in the valley this year compared 
with last year (1878), from the description given by those who visited 
it then, is probably partly owing to the very mild winter, although it 
is true that we were about three weeks later in the year ; but some 
friends, who ascended from Noguchi this year, about a fortnight or 
three weeks earlier than we visited it, speak of less snow than was 
found by those who visited it last year. On the Shinshiu side of the 
pass there were no signs of any violent floods, for the road which had 
been destroyed was in the upper part of the valley, high above the 
stream, and the injury wag most likely caused by a landslip. It also 
appeared that the violent rain we had had in To-yama, and as far as the 
Murodd, which had converted the waters on the Etchiu side into raging 
torrents, had been quite local. 

After lunching at Shirazawa, which is about 8 ri from the summit, 
we left for Omachi, three ri further down the valley. The road now 
became easy, and crossed a gently sloping plain covered with trees, 
chiefly nam, past the Yama-no-kami, where a torii was erected, and 
covered with numerous spear heads, offerings to the god of the 
mountain. After a walk of 1 hour 25 minutes, we passed through the 
upper part of Noguchi, and 15 minutes afterwards, on the opposite side 
of the stream, through the lower part, where the principal hotels are. j 
Crossing over the plain for three-quarters of an hour we came to 


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Omaehi, a long straight town, with a rather broad, somewhat deep, 
gutter running through the main street. At one place we noticed a 
water wheel, which the stream was employed to torn. 

From Omaehi we proposed to cross over the hills to Uyeda, by a 
little known route, instead of taking the more usual road by Ikeda. 
Passing out of the lower end of the town, we very soon turned off to 
the left from the broader road which passed down the valley, and after 
ascending amongst a series of small hills, came to the highest point 
between Omaehi and Ai. From this place we obtained a fine view of 
the mountains, 65° F. of S., probably the range running northwards 
from Asama-yama. We had now left the Hida-Etchiu-Shinshiu range 
behind us, and except occasional glimpses from the higher points, we 
saw them no more. A winding road, by the side of a small stream 
flowing through a narrow, picturesque valley, with, in one part, a series 
of magnificent crags, and in another some of those very sharply pointed 
hills delighted in by Japanese artists, landed us after two hours more 
at Ai, a small village situated near the place where this stream enters 
the Sai-gawa. Here we were compelled to wait for 1£ hours before the 
coolies who were to carry our baggage were ready. As we were 
anxious, if possible, to reach Uyeda that night, we chafed under the 
delay/ and under the- fact that the road was so hilly that only coolies 
could carry our baggage. We left Ai at 11.10 and walked for a 
short distance down by the left bank of the Sai-gawa, through a most 
remarkable and beautiful gorge. The rocks of the region were sedi- 
mentary, and the whole had been tilted to a pretty high angle, after 
which the softer beds had been denuded, leaving the harder ones of 
conglomerate standing out as vertical plates. Trees growing in the 
nooks and crevices of the rocks made the whole scene very striking 
and beautiful. 

Near the place where the river bends to the north-west, the road to 
Uyeda left the broader road to Senkdji (or Nagano, as it is sometimes 
called) and crossed to the other side of the river, then turned up a small 
side valley, and ascended the hill on its right bank. After about 1 
hour we reached the top of a kind of ridgfc, from which we could see 
that the rocks of the different valleys round about were of the same 
character as those just described, and it gave a marked peculiarity to 

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the view. The highest point of this was called Garimeki-tdge, but 
probably that name is given to the whole of the pass between Ai and 
Niuma. After going along the ridge, we soon came to a part from 
which we could look down into one of the hollows of the pass, for 
there were altogether three passes, and which presented the appearance 
of a funnel more than any other object. The edges of the projecting 
plates of rock had a direction converging towards the bottom of the 
valley, so that they appeared like lines radiating from a centre, and 
thus produced the funnel like form. A small rivulet flowed through 
the bottom of the valley, and escaped between two ribs of the funnel, 
the opening not being visible from above. Trees grew in all the clefts 
of the rocks, and served to fill up the intervals between the ribs. 

From the bottom, the road again rose rapidly to the top of the second 
pass, called Naka-t6ge, and again immediately descended to the bottom 
of a valley of more 'ordinary character. A third time it rose, this time a 
little higher than either of the others, but to this pass the coolies could 
give no name. The road then passed down through a narrow, almost 
parallel-sided valley, the bottom of which had been converted into a 
rice field, but this soon opened out into the larger valley in which Niuma 
lies. The river flows over the exposed edges of the beds which form 
the valley, and at the lower end escapes through an aperture in one of 
the vertical plates which, otherwise, appear to close the valley com- 

From Niuma a fairly good and level road runs for about 1 n, 
to where it joins the main road from Matsumoto to Zenkoji, which, like 
most of the main roads in this region, was in a wonderfully good state, 
as it had been renewed for the journey of the Mikado last year. After 
about three-quarters of a n along this road we came to Honjd, where we 
rested, and at 6.80 p.m. we started for our last pass before reaching Uyeda. 
Immediately on leaving the village, we turned to the left, and ascended 
the Sora-toge, which, although rather long, is by no means steep. Before 
reaching the top it was quite dark, and impossible to ascertain the 
character of the scenery. From the summit we had three hours good 
walking before reaching Urano, where we remained all night. 

As nothing of any difficulty now lay between us and Tdkiyd, we 
were anxious to return as rapidly as possible, which we did by kuruma 

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from Urano along the Hoknrokudd and Nakasendd to Matsuida, where 
we hired a coach to Takasaki, and from that town took another, which 
brought ns to Tdkiyd, after 82£ hours continuous travelling. Both 
roads have been desoribed before, and so I am relieved from entering 
into any particulars concerning the road from Urano to Tdkiyd, except, 
perhaps, to refer to the splendid road over the Usui-tdge, which has 
recently been made. It is quite possible now to go the whole way in a 
wheeled vehicle, and I did so for the most part of the way, only 
excepting a short portion near Sakamoto, which I thought to bo rather 
too steep to be quite safe. 






Clematis (?) sp 

Shdmaru tdge and elsewhere. Common. 


Thaliotrum simplex 

Jumonji tdge. 


T. tuberiferum 

«« ii 


Anemone narcissiflora 

Mikaburi hara. Jddo-san, Tate-yama. 


Trautvetteria palmata 

Jumonji tdge. 


Ranunculus acris 

Jddosan, Tate-yama. 


Trollins japonious 

Mikabtiri hara. 


Coptis brachypetala 

Jumonji t6ge. 


Aqnilegia glandulosa 

ii it 


Anemonopsis macrophylla . . 

ti ii 


Aoonitum Pischeri 

Yatsu-ga take. Harinoki tdge. 


Cimicifuga simplex. . .... . . 


Haku-san, Tate-yama, and Harinoki tdge. 


Pteridophyllnm lacemosum . . . . 

Jumonji tdge. 


Dioentra pusUla .. .. .. .. 




Arabis (?) sp 

Between Ochiai and Haramnra, Ohiku- 

ma-gawa valley. 



Viola biflora , . 




Dianthus superbus 

Ochiai hara, and elsewhere. Common. 


D. (?)sp 

Harinoki tdge. 


Cucubalus baceif eras var. Japonicus 

Near Oppara (Hida) . Also near Ai (Shin- 

Jumonji tdge. 


Lychnis miqueliana 



Hypericum Ascyron * 

Ochiai (Shinshiu). 




Geranium sibirioum 

Ochiai (Shinshiu). Common in valley- 


Impatiens noli-tangere 

Jumonji tdge. Mikaburi tdge. 

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Lathyrus Tanaka? 


Jumonji tdge. 


Spinea calloBft . . • * r * - ♦ -,-, 

i« <i 


Fragaria vesca 

Ojira-kawa valley, at the side of snow- 




Potentilla chinensis 

Oehiai (Shinshiu). 


Agrimonia viscidula, var. Japon . . 


it ii 


Astilbe chinensis, var. Japonioa , . 

Oehiai (Shinshiu). 


Saxifraga oortusnfolia 

Side of gorge on Shindd between Shinshiu 
and Mino. Also on Haku-san. 


S. tellimoides 

Mikaburi t6ge, Haku-san, and Tate-yama. 


S. fusea 

Harinoki t6ge. 


Tiarella polyphylla 

Jumonji tdge. 

Tate-yama .baths and Murodd. 


Parnassia palustris 


P. , foliosa 

Valley between Yumoto and Ushikubi, 

Shdmaru tdge. 


Deinanthe bifida 



Sedum ateoon » » » T r * - - • * 

Oehiai (Shinshiu). 



Lythrum virgatum 


Ushikubi (Kaga). 


Epilobium affine 



E. gpicatum 



Oircwa alpina • . • . . . • . • . 

Jumonji tdge. 



Bupleurum sachalinense • • • . 


Jumonji tdge. 


Cornufl canadengjfl 


Jumonji, Mikaburjtdge, Haku-san, Tate- 


Galium obovatum • .. 


Harinoki tdge. 


Patrinia soabios»folia 

Shindd between Shinshiu and Mino. 


P. palmata 


Jumonji tdge. 


Seneoio Krameri 

Jumonji tdge. 


S. nikoensis » . . 

Oehiai (Shinshiu). 


S. flftw*T"flnE 

- it ii 


Pertya scandens 


Jumonji tdge. 


Campanula punctata .... .. 

Oehiai ( Shinshiu} and other places* 
Oehiai (Shinshiuj, and other plains. 


Platycodon gzandiflorum . . 


Phyteuina Japonicum .. .. ,. 

Oehiai (Mnsashi), Umi-no-kuchi, and 

other places. 
Many places. Common. 


Adenophora verticillata. 



Gaultheria pyroloides 


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Phyllodoce taxi! olia 

Murodd (Haku-san]. 
Mikabnri tdge. Jumonji tdge. 


Tripetaleia paniculate 


T. bracteata 

Harinoki t6ge. 


Pyrola rotundifolia 

Mikabnri tdge. 


Vaccinium (?)sp 

Gozen dani (Tate-yama). Mikabnri t6ge. 


Rhododendron (?) sp 

Shindd from Odaki to Chikechi. Yatsu- 


Monotropa uniflora 


Jumonji toge. 


Diapensia lapponica 



Sohizooodon Boldanelloides . . . . 


Murodd on Haku-aan. 


Primula (?)sp. . • • • . t . » * T 

Jumonji tdge, Haku-san, and Tateyama. 


<« it 


Lymmachia vulgaris 

Ochiai (Shinshiu), and in other plains. 


Trientalis europea 


Jumonji tdge; Mikabnri tdge, near 


Pterostyrax corymbosum • • • . 

Ochiai (Shinshiu). 



Endotropis caudate 


Ochiai (Shinshiu). 


Gentiana thunbergh* 

Murodd on Haku-san 


G. (?) BP 

Murodd on Tate-yama. 
Harinoki tdge. 


Ophelia bimaculate 


VillarsiacriBte-galli.. . 

Murodd on* Haku-san and Tate-yama. 
Also on tdge between Kaware and 
Oppara (Hida). 


Conandron ramondioides . . . . 




Lithospennum exythrorhizon 

Shindd between Odaki and Chikechi. 


Omphalodes Krameri 

Jumonji tdge. 


Sehrophularia alata 

Jumonji tdge. Also tdge between Nara- 
dani and Eurodani, Hida. 


Veronica virginica 

Ochiai (Shinshiu), and other plains. 


V. oana 

Jumonji tdge. 


V. (?)Bp 

Shindd between Odaki and Chikechi. 


Euphrasia officinalis • . • • . • 
Pedicularis japonica 

Tumoto (Tate-yama). 


Mikabnri tdge.* 


P. resupinata 

Murodd (Tate-yama). Jumonji tdge. 
Jumonji tdge. 


Melampyrum laxum 



Aeginetia indica' .. .. .. .. 

In a plantation near Eurosu (Musashi). 


Thymus serpyllum 

Shindd between Shinshiu and Mino. 


Diacoeephalum Buyschiana . • 

Ochiai (Shinshiu). . 



Phytolacca acinosa 

Hanrid (Musashi). 

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Polygonum bietorta 

Murodd on Haku-san. 


P. tbunbergii 

Valley of the Arakawa, near Ochiai 


P. suffultum 

Jumonji tdge. 



Euphorbia lasiocaula 


Shindd between Shinshiu and Mino. 


Gymnadenia (?) sp 

Jumonji t6ge. 


Platanthera hologlottis 

Ochiai (Shinshiu). Jumonji tdge. 


P. japonica 



P. oreades 

" also Murodd on Hakusan. 


Habenaria sp. (?) 

Shindd between Shinshiu and Mino. 


Epipaotis gigantea 

Shdmaru tdge. 


(?) Ephippianthus sachalinensis . . 


Jumonji tdge. 


Pardanthus chinensis 


Mikaburi tdge. 


Lyooris ratfiata 

Okada mura (Etchiu). 



Diosoorea Bativa 


Mikaburi tdge and elsewhere. 


Smilacina bifolia 


Alder plantation between Tate-yama and 


FritiUaria kamschatcensis .. .. 

Murodd on Haku-san. 


Lilium medeoloidos 

Jumonji tdge. 


Tricyrtis latifolia 


Gombei tdge, Kurozawa, and Garimeki 


Ophiopogon spicatus 


Ochiai (Chichibu). 


Metanarthecium luteoviride 

Mikaburi no hara. 


Veratrum nigrum 

Near Oppara in Hida. 


V. album 

[Murodd on Haku-san and Tate-yama, 
j and on Harinoki tdge. 


V. Btamineum - 



Juncus sp- (?) 


Jddo Ban ; Tate-yama. 


Lycopodium clavatum 

Mikaburi tdge. 

Note. — The above list does not include the whole of the species seen in flower ; 
such plants as are commonly distributed over the country were not collected. This 
will explain the shortness of the lists of the natural orders, Leguminosro, 
Rosace®, and Composite, whicj}, however, were represented by large numbers of 
well-known flowers. 

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«■ Jfm^twm 










e 1 








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108. Op 

109. Me 

110. Vet 

111. V. 

112. V- 

113. Jul 

114. Ly 

such plai: 
will ex pi 


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( 55 ) 


Mr. W. N. Whitney said : " Haku-san, I believe, now belongs to the province 
of Eaga, but was formerly claimed by the daimiyo of the three provinces on whose 
borders it was situated. The dispute, I have heard, was settled at last by the 
government at Tedo, to whom the daimiyd of Eaga applied. It is said that npon 
presenting himself at the Shogun's court, the representative of Mayeda said, * I 
have come concerning the matter of the ownership of Hakn-san in Eaga ' — upon 
which he was told, that if Hakn-san was in Eaga there could be no dispute about 
it. In the public gardens of Eanazawa there is a well or pond called Kanazawa- 
no-ike, in which a dragon is supposed to dwell, and which is said to be connected 
with Haku-san by a subterranean passage some . eighteen ri in length. These ' 
gardens are well worth a visit, as much money has been spent on them by the 
former daimiyd of Eaga, who were considered the wealthiest in Japan. They are 
situated near the end of a ridge called dyama (big mountain) and are noted 
for their beautiful scenery. In the gardens are two lakes, a waterfall and a 
fountain, all supplied with water brought along the ridge from the Saigawa, some 
four miles above the town. The view from here is fine indeed, especially in 
spring, when the plum and cherry trees are in bloom, and the mountains are 
capped with snow. On one side a broad plain stretches out to the sea, on the* 
other tall peaks touch the sky, while away to the north a lake, low foot-hills, and 
the high mountains of Etchiu and Noto complete the view. The temple called 
Daijdji, the castle and Mukd-yama, are all places of interest. From the top of 
Mukd-yama, the view is a grand one, especially at sunset, as the sun is sinking 
into the sea, when the plain from the town below, the castle and the mountains 
in the back-ground assume a peculiarly weird aspect. Just outside of the town, 
near the road to the shore, lies the famous Benkei-ishi, a huge boulder said to 
have been drawn thither by Benkei, the robber-priest of Hiyeizan. It weighs 
many tons, and is quite unlike any rook within miles of its present resting place. 
Not far from here is Eahoku, a lake covering many thousand acres, which a certain 
Zenya Gombei wished to fill up, that he might use the land for agricultural 
purposes. In order to destroy the namazu that undermined the banks, he caused 
large quantities of lime to be thrown into the lake. This, however, killed the 
other fishes too, which, being collected and sold by the fishermen to the poor 
farmers about, caused many deaths. For this Zenya was thrown into prison, and 

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his property confiscated : shortly after he died and his body was crucified at 
Eanaiwa. This Zenya was the richest man in Japan, and it is said was the first 
to establish foreign trade at Takeshima." 

Mr. W. G. Dixon said that he could add little to the information contained in 
Professor Atkinson's exhaustive paper. Quite recently, however, he had, through 
the kindness of a Japanese gentleman, learned a few facts that might be 
interesting. Very well-deserved praise had been given to Dashiwara-dani. It 
formed an exaxrple of savage grandeur such as was only occasionally met with 
in this land of picturesque, but generally soft, scenery. To the magnificent 
castellated cliffs that towered above this glen, the suggestive name of Oni-ga-shiro 
(The Devil's Castle) had been given. In regard to the view from the Hari-no-ki- 
t6ge, it should be mentioned that the jagged peak that serrated the middle of 
the southern horizon was Yari-ga-take, a mountain remarkable both on account 
of its extreme steepness and from the fact* that it had been found, by a foreign 
gentleman who had ascended it, to reach a height of about 10,OQO feet, thus 
rivalling Ontake-san for the second place in altitude among the mountains of 
Japan. The darkly wooded eminence behind which Yari-ga-take was from the 
pass seen to rise, was vested with a certain tragic interest. It was related that 
about the time of Taikd, a warrior named Sasa Narjmasa, while fleeing from 
Shinshiu to avoid the pursuit of his enemies, here perished of hunger, with all his 
family. The speaker had also been informed that Omachi was only 10 ri distant 
from Shinonai on the Hokurokudd, a place about 10 ri on the Zenkdji side of 
Uyeda. The route from Omachi to Uyeda, viA this place, might form an alter- 
native to that described in the paper as having been followed between these towns. 

Mr. Marshall remarked that last summer he had, in company with the 
Chairman, himself gone over parts of the ground just described. The shindS 
' which leads from Omachi in Shinshiu to Hara in Etchiu, was, only three weeks 
before Messrs. Atkinson and Dixon traversed it, covered in many places with 
snow. Before reaching the summit of Hari-no-ki-tdge from Omachi, they had to 
cross 10 or 11 great snow-fields, and this, added to the enormous height to be 
ascended and the fact that the road was greatly torn up by last winter's storms, 
made the ascent both laborious and dangerous. 

Mr. Marshall desired to add a' few remarks about a village in this region called 
Arimine. He said: " A writer in the Yokohama Herald mentioned that last year 
he had heard at the hot springs at the base of Tate-yama that this village was 
inhabited by a very exclusive people, who did not even trade with other people 
and were ignorant of the use of money ; who intermarried only amongst themselves 
and in consequence had great similarity of features and limited intellect. At 
Higashi Mozumi, in the valley of the Takara-gawa, we were further told by an 
apparently intelligent miner who had visited Arimine with a friend, that the 
people were really very peculiar, would not speak to strangers or give them food, 
ware evidently exceedingly stupid, and had great similarity of features. In order 

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( 67 ) 

to visit this Tillage we left the valley of the Takara-gawa at Domura (1 ri from 
Higashi Mozumi) and thence travelled up the valley of the Atotsu-gawa. The 
following is the route from Domura-. — 


Domura .*.'.. 

Nakamura 1 

Sakomura OJ 

Odawa 04 

Arimine 8 J 

At Sakomura we procured a guide. From Odawa there is nothing but a 
woodman's track to the solitary, village, and as torrents require frequently to bo 
crossed and for short distances ascended, it would be quite impossible to go 
without a guide. The track is through a grand mountain forest. Unfortunately 
it thunders and rains every day in this region, and this somewhat mars what is other- 
wise a very interesting trip. The village consists of 13 houses, scattered over a 
beautiful green plateau, and must be, I think, about 5,000 feet above the sea level. 
The people we found to be just like those of other villages. They were very 
polite, but, as we expected, said that they could not afford to give us any food. 
However, on my assuring the head man that we had brought food with us, he 
welcomed us into his house. Each house seemed to have one horse at least, and 
from the good treatment they apparently received and the number of pictures of 
horses we saw at the miya and in the houses, we concluded that the horse must 
be here either a pet animal or held in great veneration. Our host told us that 
they had no bedding,' and so we had to sleep with coarse matting both about and 
below us and with a lump of wood for a pillow. Before we started next morning 
all the people came on our invitation in groups to see us — men, women, and 
children, and we could detect neither signs of idiocy nor striking similarity of- 
features. We also learned very decidedly that they knew both how to trade and the 
use of money. Their principal export is the bark of trees. They grow all their 
own food and live principally on hiye (a kind of millet) and coarse vegetables. 
They also drank coarse tea and Bmoked very inferior tobacco. The bowls of their 
tobacco pipes were much larger than the ordinary Japanese pipes, and were similar 
flb those used by the Coreans in the late embassy. Although very poor they all 
seemed quite happy, and although we were the only foreigners they had seen, 
even the children showed no signs of fear and accepted some biscuit we gave 
them." ' . 

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( 58 


By W. (?. Aston. 

[Read November Ufa, 1879.] 

The order in which the letters of the Korean alphabet are arranged 
in the existing authorities is extremely irregular and inconvenient, and 
I believe that the arrangement suggested below, which is based on 
an examination of the system on which they appear to have been 
constructed, will be found more advantageous in several respects. At 
this early stage of the, study of Korean, it may still be time to introduce 
a more systematic order without prejudice to the convenience of other 
students of this language, who can hardly have yet committed them- 
selves to the arrangement hitherto adopted. A vocabulary of Korean on 
which I am now engaged will be .arranged according to this system. 



1- *r i ^ ~ *L\ 

a, y», &, yii, o, yo. 

T -ir I — * 

u, yu, i, eu,. a^ 

(Bases ] «_ » ) 

Digitized by 




H i) °) 

a, e\ ' a. 

Labials ti 3£ P (Base 13) 

p, ph, m. 

Dentals C t U S (Base L.) 

t, th, n, 1. 

Palatals Z> % /% ( B ase <*») 

eh, chh, * s. 

Gutturals 1 ^ (Base T) 

k, kh. 

Laryngeals (?) ff (Base 0) 

h, ng final. 

The above arrangement makes it clear that the inventor of the 
alphabet had classified the sounds of the language according to the 
organs of speech by which they are formed. A common element (which 
I have called the base) is traceable through all the letters of each class, 

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the Labial base being a square, the Dental base an angle opening to the 
right and upward, and so on. The inventor has subdivided) rightly, 
as I think, into two classes those letters which are usually included in 
the common term gutturals. 

The above pronunciation is merely provisional. 

at the beginning of a word represents the spiritus lenis, and is 
not reckoned a letter. Possibly it might be preferable to do so, writing 
it thus '. 

The Diphthongs follow the order of the letters of which they are 

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( CI ) 




By John Milne. 

[Read November 11, 1879.] 


In a paper on the "Stone Age in Japan," read before the 
British Association in 1879, I made reference to several localities 
in Yezo, where stone implements and other relics which are of 
interest to those studying the early history of this ' country had 
been found. From what was there stated it would seem that stone 
implements and other spoor of the aboriginal inhabitants of Japan are 
to be found from Kiushiu in the south, to Yezo in the north. From 
an examination of the collections which I have made, together with 
several which have been made by others, it would appear that the 
relics are most abundant in the north. Should this Conclusion be a 
true one, it it a fact of considerable importance. In the paper to 
which I have just referred, I endeavoured to shew that the people who 
left this spoor were the Ainos. Now the Ainos still inhabit Yezo, and 
we know from history that at one time they probably covered Nipon, and 
they were driven back towards the north by the Japanese advancing 
from the south. In fact their history and present geographical position 
is such that we appear to be safe in assuming that the Ainos have 
lived for a longer period in Yezo than they have in Nipon. This, then, 

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being the case, in those parts of Japan which have only been temporarily 
inhabited by the Ainos and also have only been inhabited for a 
comparatively short period, we ought not to expect to find so many 
traces of their former presence as we should in a country which had 
been inhabited for a longer period, by large numbers, and by a people 
who continued to manufacture stone implements until quite recent 
times. Generally speaking, it would seem that the number of relics 
of a barbarous age in any civilized country, will, amongst other 
conditions, very largely depend upon the number of years which 
separate that age from its present civilized condition. A conclusion 
which we therefore come to is, that the distribution of stone implements 
in Japan accords with what we should anticipate from our knowledge 
of the distribution of the Ainos, and therefore I think we may accept 
this distribution, amongst the other evidence which I have previously 
adduced, as being another proof that these relics are the spoor of Ainos, 
and not of a pre-Aino people as has been suggested. 

The following notes on the collections which I made this year at 
Otaru and Hakodate, when contrasted with the remarks which I have 
previously made, or which have been made by others upon collections 
from localities further south, will, I think, help to' bear out these 



Otaru is the largest town on the west coast of Yezo. It is built 
along the shore of a small bight on the southern side of Ishikari Bay. 
In a north-eastern direction this opens towards the mainland. On the 
north-western side it is sheltered from the open ocean by a rocky 
point. On this latter side it is overlooked by high cliffs, which are 
separated from the water's edge by a narrow shore, ^.t the head of 
the bight there is a shelving sandy shore, which slopes backwards into 
an undulating grassy country, which a mile or so farther back rises up 
to form high hills. Although Otaru is by no means a naturally perfect 
harbour, its bay forms one of the best shelters on this coast, and it is no 
doubt to this fact that Otaru owes its present importance. And just as 
Otaru is important at the present day, we might argue that for similar 
reasons its natural advantages would, to a fishing population, render 

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it important in times gone by ; and that such has been the case may be 
judged of by the relies which its early inhabitants have left behind 
them. These relics may be divided into three classes : — 1st, Collections 
of Pits ; 2nd, Inscriptions ; 8rd, Mounds and Kitchen Middens. 

I.— Pits. 

The pits are more or less conicaliy shaped holes, about eight feet in 
diameter and three feet in depth. In some cases it is possible that these 
pits were originally rectangular, and that their present conical form is 
due to the falling in of their sides. Lying at the side of them, and 
forming a kind of breastwork, there is usually a mound or ridge. These 
ridges may have been made by the earth which was thrown out during the 
excavation of the pits. The holes which I examined formed a group 
near to the foot of the steep hills, about three-quarters of a mile back 
from the shore. At the time of my visit to them the ground was so 
thickly covered with ferns and tall grass that it was impossible to 
determine whether there was any plan in their general arrangement. I 
may, however, mention that Mr. Fukushi, a Japanese gentleman who 
accompanied me, told me that when he first saw these holes, which was 
by looking down upon them from the hills above, a certain regularity in 
their arrangement was observable. From one or two of the mounds the 
covering of grass had been removed for agricultural purposes. These 
places I carefully examined for traces of former inhabitants, but without 

In my previous paper on this subject I referred to the ancient pit 
dwellings which are to be seen near Nemoro, and at other places in 
Yezo. Such pits are said to exist near Sapporo, and the people who are 
. supposed to have inhabited them are said by the Japanesft to have been a 
race of dwarfs whom they called Koshito, I have suggested that the pit 
dwellers are probably represented at the present day by the Kamscha- 
dales or Alutes, who until recently lived in covered pits as far south 
as the northern Euriles. Whether these pits are similar to those which 
have been found farther to the north yet needs demonstration. From 
the little which I saw of them, notwithstanding the tradition which is 
associated with them of their having formerly been inhabited, I should 
be inclined to think that they are nothing more than holes which have 

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been made during farming processes. Perhaps they are the holes from 
-which the stumps of trees have been removed. I may here remark that 
between the hills at the back of Otaru and the shore the country is 
destitute of large trees. Similar treeless bands of country are to be 
observed at many places along this coast, as for instance at Kayonoma. 
Whether this absence of trees is due to the soil, the proximity to the 
sea, or their removal by previous inhabitants, without making a detailed 
examination it would be difficult to decide. Here and there, however, 
we may observe a small grove, and it is quite possible that such a grove 
may have existed where we now find the pits behind Otaru. If such 
has been the case, the holes which we see may indicate the position 
of stumps which have been rooted out, either by the farmers when 
clearing the ground, or else by the inhabitants whilst searching for 

II.- 1 — Inscriptions. 

A rough sketch of the inscriptions which I saw at Otaru is given 
on the accompanying plate. They are roughly cut upon the face of the 
cliffs on the north-western side of the bay. These cliffs are about 100 
feet in height and are capped with small trees. The rock is a white, 
extremely soft, much decomposed tuff. It is now being quarried as a 
building stone, and during the process a portion of the inscription of 
which I have here given a rough copy has been broken away. If the 
quarrying continues in the direction it was taking when I visited the 
spot, it is not at all unlikely that the whole of these inscriptions will be 
very shortly destroyed. The characters look as if they had been 
scraped or cut with some incisive tool. I do not think that it would be 
difficult to make similar markings with a stone axe. The lines forming 
the characters are usually about one inch broad and half an inch deep. 
They occupy a strip of rock about eight feet long and they are situated 
three or four feet from the ground. Above them the cliff considerably 
overhangs, and its form is very suggestive of its having once been 
more or less cave-like. This portion of the rock has been very much 
blackened by the action of smoke and fire. An appearance of this sort 
may have been caused quite recently, by persons engaged in boiling 
down fish during the manufacture of oil. So far as I could learn, the 

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Japanese are quite unable to recognize any of the characters, and they 
regard them as being the work of the Ainos. 

I may remark that several of the characters are like the runic m. 
It has been suggested that they have a resemblance to old Chinese. 
A second suggestion was that they might be drawings of the insignia of 
rank carried by certain priests. A third idea was that they were 
phallic. A fourth that they were rough representations of men and 
animals, the runic m being a bird ; and a fifth that they were the 
handicraft of some gentleman desirous of imposing upon the credulity' 
of wandering archaBologists. 

I myself am inclined to think that they were the work of the people 
who have left so many traces of themselves in. the shape of kitchen 
middens and various implements in this locality. In this case they 
may be Aino. 

111. — Mounds and Kitchen Middens. 

On the flat ground immediately at the head of the bay, in amongst 
the gardens of that portion of Otaru called Temiya, at a distance of 
about 80 yards from the beach, there are two or three small mounds 
overgrown with grass. One of these was conical in form. It was 
about eight feet in height and from 25 to 80 feet in diameter. On 
cutting into it I found that it was made of a sandy, black soil, 
distributed through which there were many fragments of pottery and 
flakes of obsidian. Now and then I met with an arrow-head or a 
broken axe. After digging into the heap for a depth of about three 
feet, a layer of large stones, covered with a whitish clayey material, was 
met with. From the arrangement of these stones it seemed possible 
that they might form the cover to .the central portion o£ the heap. 
* Want of time prevented my completing this investigation. In the 
neighborhood of these mounds, cuttings for roads and gardens shew 
many small sections. Near the surface, for a depth of six inches 
or a foot, there is usually a layer of black earth. Beneath this comes 
a dark-grey sandy soil. Sticking out from these sections, at depths 
varying between a few inches and two or three feet, at very many 
places fragments of pottery and flakes of stone are to be seen. 

Here and there a small band of shells can be seen. From the 

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manner in which these shells have been opened and broken, and from 
the broken pottery and stone which are mixed in with them, these 
bands evidently indicate so many old middens. 

In two visits to this place, entailing about six hours actual work, 
at which I was assisted by two coolies and about a dozen children, I 
made the following collection : — 
Arrow Heads : 

Triangular / 65\ 

Lancet 49[ 

Leaf and spear-like 15[ 

Incurved base 6/ 

Scrapers 8 

Awls... 1 

Axes 9 

Grinding-stone 1 

Obsidian Flakes, a large number, say 200 or 800 

Fragments of Pottery, a large number, say 100 or 200 

Vase 1 

Triangular Arrow-heads. (See I. — 1 7-23. ) l 

These are arrow-heads which are all roughly triangular in their 
general form. They usually vary in their lengths and breadths from one 
inch by half an inch, down to half an inch by one-quarter of an inch. 
All of them are provided with a central tang. Of the 65 having this form 
which were discovered, 64 of them are made from obsidian and one 
from chalcedony. The obsidian is usually translucent, but in one or 
two instances it approaches a pitch stone in its characters. In some 
cases the tang is so long and broad that it approaches in form to the 
blade of which it forms a part. The general form of arrow-head of this 
shape is that of two triangles placed base to base. 

Lancet-shaped Arrow-heads. (See I. — 12-16.) 

The material of which these lancet-shaped arrow-heads are formed 
is similar to that of which the arrow-tips just described axe formed. 
Amongst the 49 specimens which were picked up there are one or two 

1 These numbers refer to the photographs. 

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which are made from chert, the remainder being of obsidian. They are 
all roughly chipped. An average measurement for one of these tips 
is an inch and a quarter long and half an inch broad. A few specimens 
are like the double triangular form much elongated. The greater 
Dumber, however, have only the lancet blade with a small tang at the 
base. It may be remarked that these forms and those which have 
just been described graduate into each other. (See I. — 12-23.) 

Leaf and Spear-like Forms, (See I. — 5-8. ) 

These are all so much broken that it is difficult to say what their 
original dimensions may have been. Of the 15 of these which were 
collected, Id are formed from obsidian and two of chert. 

Triangular Forms with a reentrant Curved Base. (See I. — 9-11. J 

Of these, six were found. They are made from obsidian. The 

reentrant curved base forms two lateral tangs. The general form of the 

ff remainder of the blade is either lancet-shaped or else triangular, with 

carved cutting edges. The length and breadth of an average specimen 

might be reckoned at three-quarters of an inch by half an inch. 

Scrapers. (See I. — 1-3.) 

These are about one inch long, having a curved scraping edge 
about one inch broad. Of these three were collected; One of them 
was made of chert, one of obsidian, and one of jasper. 

Awl. (See I.—4.) 

This is a pointed instrument made from roughly chipped chert. Its 
total length is about 2J inches, the pointed portion, which is roughly 
rounded, being about l£ inches. 

Axes. (See I.— 24-29). 

Of these, nine were collected. All- may be described as being 
polished implements, and their smooth rubbed surface strongly 
contrasts with the roughly chipped implements made from obsidian and 
chert. This smooth surface, however, must not be regarded as* being 
an evidence Qf advance towards a civilized condition, the reason for the 

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smoothness probably being that the axes, through being formed out of a 
soft material, would continually require to be reground and sharpened. 

In seven cases the material appears to be a fine-grained, dark- green, 
partially metamorphosed slate. In the remaining two cases the material 
is an altered andesite, a common volcanic rock in Japan. 

Two of these implements (see I. — 24 and 25) may be described as 
pieces of slate one-eighth to one-quarter of an inch in thickness, and 1£ 
inches broad, which at one end have been sharpened from the two sides 
to form a cutting edge. The others, instead of being fiat, have surfaces 
which are rounded'. Their general form is that of a long isosceles 
triangle, with a rounded apex, and a base which is usually convex, to 
form a cutting edge. A common length for these axes is about five 

Looking at the lateral edges or faces of several of these specimens, 
the remains of two grooves cut in towards each other from the sides 
may be often seen (see I. — 24 and III. — 18). The intervening portion 
shews a fractured surface. These markings would suggest that these % 
chisels had been formed by first cutting a strip off from a large slab, two 
grooves being cut into the slab from opposite sides, and the strip thus 
marked being subsequently broken off. 

Grinding-ttone. (See 7. — 6. ) 

This is a rough piece of weathered andesite 4£ inches long, 8£ 
inches broad and about 2£ inches deep. On three sides it has been 
abraded to form deep concave surfaces, and from the manner in which 
these surfaces fit the concave surfaces of an ordinary axe, it may be 
inferred that such a stone has been employed for sharpening these 
implements, which, from their softtoature, must have been repeatedly 
required. . 


Of obsidian flakes a very large number were picked! up* From a hand- 
ful of 49 taken up at random, three were of chert, the remainder being 
of obsidian. They are usually thick and irregular. Of long thin flakes 
only four were picked up, and the largest of these had only a length of 
24 inches. 

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Pottery. (See IL— 1-15 and V.—l.) 

A large number of fragments of pottery were collected, all of which 
shewed characters, similar to those which I have .previously described. 
Nearly all the specimens are covered with the characteristic grained 
marking which I have suggested might have been made either by means 
of a coarse cloth whilst the clay was soft or else by means of some 
milling machine. In some cases these markings are coarse and in 
others fine. (See II. — 1-8). From the manner in which I now observe 
that this graining is often worked in between incised lines, as a sort of 
filling up, I see that in such cases it could not have been formed by a 
cloth or wicker-work, which would have given rise to a more or less 
connected pattern over the whole vessel. 

The incised lines (II. — 5-7) are coarsely made and usually repre- • 
sent some rude design. 

Other designs worked as raised patterns have been formed by 
strings of clay. In many cases the inside of the pottery is very black. 
This is probably due to some fatty carbonaceous material having been 
burnt in the interior of these vessels during cooking operations. • 

Besides the fragments of pottery, a complete vase, shaped like an 
earthenware water-bottle, was obtained from a man who discovered it 
whilst cutting a road. (See V. — 1.) It is very rudely shaped, and the 
base, which is three inches in diameter, is so irregular that it can only 
stand upon it in an inclined position. The height is nine inches, and 
the neck has a diameter of two inches. On the sides of the latter there 
are two small eyelet holes, through which a string might be passed. 
These holes appear to have been made whilst the clay was in a moist 
condition. Inside and outside it is of a dirty, yellowish red colour. 
The body of the vase is covered with smill punctures, giving its surface 
a grained appearance. These punctures run in lines of two and three, 
one set of lines often intersecting another set. On one side there are 
two small holos made by the pick* of the discoverer. 

Tho clay from which it is formed, like the clay which has been 
used for the other pottery, contains many small grains of sand, with 
here and there a pebble. 

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Kitchen Middens, 

These I bad dot time to examine closely. The following shells 
were exceedingly common : — Haliotis kamtschatkama, Modiola modiolus, 
and Saxodomus purpuratus There were also many fragments of pottery 
and flakes of obsidian. 


When I Visited Hakodate daring the snmmer of 1878, I had the 
good fortune to discover a shell-heap which subsequently yielded a 
number of objects of interest to several explorers. The flint implements, 
pottery, etc., which I myself exhumed have already been described. 
Since this time, whilst making some public gardens and cutting roads, 
a number of excavations have been made which have led to the discovery 
.of a large quantity of prehistoric material, some of which I have been 
able to obtain. 

Arrow-heads. (See III.— 10.) 

The general appearance of the arrow-heads which have been found 
in and about Hakodate is similar to that of those which have be*en found 
near Otaru. There are two points, however, which are worthy of 
notice. First, the material of which the Hakodate arrow-heads are 
made, instead of being almost invariably obsidian, is almost always 
flint or chert, and arrow-points made from obsidian are extremely 
rare. Secondly, arrow-heads with a base which is reentrant appear to 
be more common at Hakodate than they are at Otaru. 

Spear-heads. (IV.— 5-11.) 

These, like the arrow-points, are usually made from flint or chert. 
Their average length is three or four inches, and their breadth one and 
a half to two inches. They are thick and very coarsely chipped. In 
many instances they shew that peculiar gloss which is indicative of 
age. The depth at which they are found, which is usually several feet 
from the surface, appears to be another indication of their antiquity. I 
have only seen two examples which have been at all finely worked. One 
of these is a spear-head made from chert. It has a lance-like form, and 

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is seven inches long and one and a half inches broad. The other is a 
double-pointed head, also made from chert, measuring four inches by 
one inch and a quarter. (See III. — 4 and 5.) 

Knives. (See 111.-6-9 and IV.— 12-17.) 

These are implements which are made from chert. Tney have 
often a scimitar-like form, with two sharp edges — one concave and the 
other convex. At the base there is sometimes a tang, whilst at the head 
there is either a point formed by the meeting of the two scimitar-like 
edges or else it is cut off squarely. (See III. — 6 and 8). 

If an implement like any of these were fixed in a short handle, 
it would be extremely useful in detaching from their coverings oysters 
and other shell-fish on which these early people seem so largely to have 

Because their form is so suggestive of a use like this, I have 
ventured to call them knives. 

Axes or Chisels. (Ill— 2, 3 and 13. IV.— 19 and 20. J 

. These are very similar to those from Otaru. Amongst them there 
is one specimen which is remarkable for its size, being rather more than 
15£ inches in length. (EEL — 18.) This I described in my previous 
paper on this subject. 

One or two examples have only been sharpened from one side, which 
gives them "an edge like that of a carpenter's plane, {For an edge view 
of such a chisel see III. — 8. ) 

Magatama. (HI. — 11.) 

In the Hakodate museum there are two Magatama which are said- 
to have been obtained from the Ainos. One of them is made from hard, 
green jasper and the other from chalcedony. The hole which has been 
made through the latter seems to have been made by means of a rhymer. 
Magatama, so far as I am aware, do not ever appear to have been- 
found in shell-heaps, and it appears very probable that they were 
only introduced amongst the Ainos since their acquaintance with the 
Japanese. < 

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Kudatama. ( III. —12.) 

With the Magatama there are two Kudatama. The longest of them 
is one inch and the other is half an inch. The material of which they 
are formed is green jasper. The hole which runs through them length- 
wise has probably been made with a metal tool. Like the Magatama, 
they were used as ornaments. These specimens were obtained from the 
Ainos, who, it is probable, had previously obtained them from the 

Pottery. (IV.— 1-4. Y.—2 and S.) 

The pottery which has been found at Hakodate is very similar to 
that which has been found at Otaru. One difference, however, is that 
the former looks more worn and somewhat older. I may also remark 
that in the few instances where I have observed holes, these appear to 
have been made by means of a rhymer after the pot had been baked. 
(See IV. — 2.) In the Hakodate Museum there are two small vases 
which are almost complete. (See V. — 2 and 8.) The larger of these is 
four inches deep, with a mouth 2£ inches wide. Its greatest diameter is 
five inches. Outside it is of a black colour, and its surface is covered 
with the characteristic punctured markings. Inside it is brown. The. 
other vase is two inches deep, and has a mouth one inch in diameter. 
Outside it is of a yellowish colour, and it has scratched upon its surface 
a rough pattern, in between the scrolls of which there is a punctured 
groundwork. Inside it is quite black. Both of these vases are said 
to have been dug up in Hakodate. 

Grinding-stpnes. (See V.-=—4.) 

Whilst making the -public gardens at Hakodate, amongst other 
.things a large number of grinding- stones have been exhumed. These 
are flattish boulders, which on one or two sides have been worn away 
to form smooth, hollow surfaces, apparently by the sharpening of 
chisels upon them. The rock is andesite, similar to that of the 
adjoining mountain. One of these boulders is almost two feet long, 
one foot broad, and nine inches deep. Other examples are larger than 
thiB, whilst others are smaller. 

From the fact that I find by experiment that these chisels become 

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easily chipped, even when catting soft wood, these grinding-stones 
mast have been largely employed. Their number would seem to bear 
out such a view. Whilst working with them upon wood it must have 
been necessary always to have had a grinding- stone close at hand. 
It is probable that sand and water may have been used during the 
sharpening process, but there are no stricB on their surface such as we 
might expect had such been the case. 

Other Remains. 

Besides the stone implements which have been found actually in 
Hakodate, others have been found in the neighbouring country. 
Amongst them I may mention spear and arrow-heads of obsidian from 
Obanomura, Mitshikori, Shidakakuni, and axes from Aretake. 


Looked at generally, the relics from Hakodate appear to be much 
older than those from Otaru. This is testified by their comparative 
roughness, their glossy surface, and the greater depth at which they 
have been found. That such should be the case appears to be borne out 
by the fact that the aborigines of Yedo were probably driven away from 
Hakodate long before tfeey were compelled to leave Otaru, and therefore 
at this latter place we ought to expect to find their more recent work. 


As the remains which I have* now described have such an important 
connection with remains of a similar kind found in Yezo and other parts 
of Japan, I will now give, 1st, a brief summary of the more important . 
facts which are before us, and, 2nd, the conclusion towards which such 
facts appear to lead us. 


All over Japan, from Tezo in the north to Eiushiu in the south, 
44 kitchen middens H or " shell mounds " have been found. In Yezo 
I have seen such mounds at Nemoro in the extreme north, near 

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Horoidznme, Otaru and Hakodate, and from each of these, with the ex- 
ception of Horoidzume, I have made collections. Besides these localities, 
there are in Yezo several other places from which I have seen specimens. 
In Nipon I have also examined several kitchen' middens, as those near 
Omori, Tsurnmi and Mississippi Bay. In addition to these localities, 
several others might he mentioned where kitchen middens are found, 
and from which collections have been made. 

From the south we have the collections of Mr. Lyman and Prof. 
Morse, made in Kiushiu. These heaps are principally made up of shells 
and broken pottery. Mixed with these, there are many fragments of 
broken bones, implements of stone and horn, and other objects which 
may have been employed as ornaments. The shells looked at super- 
ficially appear to * be similar to those found in the neighbouring sea. 
By a careful examination of those found at Omori, Prof. Morse has come 
to the following four conclusions : — 

First — That a change has taken place in the relative abundance 
of certain species. v 

Second — That a change has taken place in the relative size of 
certain species. 

Third — That a change has taken place in the relative proportions 
of the shells of certain species. 

Fourth — That a change has taken place in the extinction of certain 

With regard to these observations, Prof. Morse remarks that " the 
modification in the relative size and proportions of certain species is 
profound, and would seem to indicate, either that species vary in a 
much shorter time than had been supposed, or else the deposits 
presenting these peculiarities have a much higher antiquity than had 
'before been accorded them." These changes we should be inclined to 
think are in great measure due to the great changes which have been 
taking place in Yedo Bay during recent times. Upheaval is the 
movement which has last taken place, a*d is probably still continuing. 
The bay is rapidly silting up with the deposits brought down by trie 
numerous large rivers which it receives. And during the last 8(j)0 
years large cities and towns have sprung up round its shores, all of 
which have added something to destroy the purity of its shallow er 

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waters. All these causes combined are, and have been, making rapid 
changes in physical conditions, and with them we should naturally 
expect a rapid change in the fauna which are dependent on them. 

The pottery generally occurs in fragments. At Nemoro, in 1878, 
and this year at Otaru, I was fortunate enough to meet with single 
specimens of complete vessels. Such specimens are, however, extremely 
rare. Many of the vessels indicate from their blackened interiors that 
they had probably been used for cooking purposes. In places they are 
pierced with holes, which, from their conical shape, would seem to 
show that they had been made with triangularly shaped rhymers, as for 
example a pointed flake of flint. The chief point, however, which is to 
be noticed about the pottery is, that whether it is found in the north of 
Tezo or the middle of Nipon, its general appearance is similar, and the 
patterns and designs which are worked upon it, so far as I have seen, 
are in many cases identical. 

The bones which have been found are those of fish, birds, monkey, 
deer, dog, wolf and pig. At Omori Prof. Morse exhumed a number of 
bones which he pronounces to be human, and from the way in which they 
are scattered amongst the other refuse of which these heaps consist, and 
from the manner in which they are broken, their discoverer regards 
them as evidences of cannibalism. Similar discoveries have been made 
by Prof. Morse in Higo. 

Prof. Morse, in describing the mounds at Omori, gives a list of 
" Objects not found at Omori." About these we will make no remarks. 

In these shell-heaps, or scattered through the ground near to them, 
stone implements are often found. 

The number and the nature of these may be judged of from the 
description which I have given of the deposits at Hakodate and Otaru. 


The mound-like heap which I partially explored at Otaru may be 
regarded as an example of a tumulus. Many of the tumuli which are 
found in Japan are associated with tradition, as, for instance, the Yezo 
Mori near Morioka, which is said to contain the bones of " Ebisu " or 
Ainos slain by the general Tamura maro. It is possible that tumuli 
of this description may repay the explorer. These tumuli must not, 

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however, be confounded with the mounds which line the sides of many 
of the high roads, which have been heaped up to indicate distances, and 
fulfil the functions of a European mile- stone. 


Jn many parts of Japan a large number of caves have been 
discovered. In the limestone districts and some of the old volcanic 
rocks these appear to be natural. I explored several of these caves in 
Shikoku and also in other places. The only results which I obtained 
were purely geological. 

Artificial caves near Knmagai, Odawara, and in other localities, 
which have been examined by Mr. Henry von Siebold, from the pottery 
they contained, and other evidence which they yielded, showed that they 
were of Korean origin. This conclusion is borne out by the names of 
several places in the neighbourhood, which are also of Korean origin. 

If we take into account the evidence furnished to us by history 
(for example see the commencement of the Nihon-6-dai-ichi ran, Annals 
of the Emperors), we shall be led to the conclusion that the early 
inhabitants of Japan were cave-dwellers. In the book referred to, the 
names and position, together with a description of many of these caves, 
are given in detail. 

The following notes on the caves and cave-dwellers of Japan I have 
extracted from the Kekkio-ko, a recent book written by Mr. Kurokawa 
Mayori. These notes may be of interest, as they tell us not only 
something about the caves of Japan, but also something about the 
aboriginal inhabitants and their wars with the advancing Japanese. 

For the general revision and retranslation of the greater portion of 
these notes, my best thanks are due to Mr. Ernest Satow. 

The cave-dwellers of antiquity dug holes on the sides of hills 
called muro, and lived in them, and they were also used as sleeping- 
places because of the protection which they afforded against eold and 
heat. Some of these caverns were in the rock (iha-ya), others in the 
earth (muro). In the Kozhiki mention is made of a god " named 
Lku-no-wo-habari no kami, who dwelt in the heavenly rock-cave at the 
source of the Peaceful River of Heaven." [This so-called god was a 
sword, and the Peaceful River is the Milky Way.] In the 3rd book of 

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the Ma?i-yefu-ahifu y Ohishi no Sukuri, in a stanza about the rock-cave 
of Shidzu in Ihami, says " the rock-cave of Shidzu, where Ohonamuchi 
and Sukuna-biko-na dwelt, through how many ages they most have 
existed I " These were caverns artificially excavated in the rock. It 
was also a rock-cavern in which the Sun-goddess hid herself. 

In the Nihongi it is said that Zhinmu Tenwau said secretly to 
Michi-no-omi no mikoto, " Do you be leader of the Oku kumebe, and 
construct a large muro at the village of Osaka," and it is further said 
that " he dug a muro." [It is worth while noticing that the Chinese 
character §? used in the original, and translated muro bv the Japanese, 
has no connection with "caves," and simply means "apartment."] 
Mention is also made in the same part of the Nihongi of tmchi-gumo, 
literally earth-spiders, who stoutly resisted the army of the mikado, but 
were finally subjugated. [It is thought probable that tsuclji-gumo is for 
teuchi-gomori, " dwellers underground."] Some of them are described as 
short in the body, with long legs and arms, like pigmies, and they are 
said to have been caught in nets made of the long creeping stems of a 
wild plant, probably the kuzu (Pueraria Thunbergiana). The same 
part of the Nihongi speaks of " people of simple habits, who perched in 
nests and lived in holes." In the Chinese classic called the Book of 
Changes (^fE) there is a passage which speaks of men having 
lived in caves and in the open air, until the Sages (or Holy men) of 
later ages taught them how to build houses, and the Book of Rites 
(ISfiJi) says that the ancient sovereigns lived in excavated caverns 
during the winter, and in huts (or nests in the trees) during the 

The ancient Topography of Setsutsu . (no longer extant, but a 
fragment quoted in the commentary on the Nihongi, called Shiyaku 
Nihongi) speaks of cave-dwellers, who were called Uuchi-gumo in the 
vernacular. In the Topography of Hiuga (fragment quoted in the same 
book) occurs a legend to the effect that "when Ninigi no mikoto 
descended from heaven upon Mt. Takachiho in Hiuga, the heavens 
were pitch-dark, and day was indistinguishable from night. It was 
impossible to find the way or to recognize surrounding objects. He was 
relieved from this predicament by two tsuchi-gumo named Big Sword- 
guard and Little Sword-guard, who advised him to pluck ears of the 

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wild rice which grew there, and scatter the grains about him. He did 
as they suggested, upon which the sky cleared, and the sun and moon 
shone forth." [Kurokaha gravely says that we must not suppose that 
these cave-dwellers were known as tsuchi-gumo at the time of the descent 
of the " Heavenly grandson," but that it was applied to them at a later 
date, the term not having been invented before the time of Zhinmu 

The author is further of opinion that persons of rank had houses in 
which they usually lived, and that some of them had caverns constructed 
behind the house, or a little way off, which they used as sleeping- 
apartments, while the common people usually had huts with caverns 
similarly attached, while there were some who lived altogether in caves. 

In the 4th book of the 'bikoiigi, which contains the history of 
Suwizei Teiiwau, a story is told of one prince (who afterwards became 
mikado) trying to kill another as he was sleeping in his great cellar. 
[The author is of opinion that a sort of dais or platform was constructed 
on one side of the cave to use as a bed-place.] In the Shiyau-zhi-roku 
or Catalogue of Families, mention is made of a family descended from a 
man who in the time of Zhinmu lived in a cave. 

Leaving the central parts of Japan, the author next examines the 
passages in which cave-dwellers in the eastern provinces are spoken 
of. He quotes passages from the Topography of Hitachi, which refer to 
txuchi-gumo who lived in artificial caverns. These people are described 
as partaking of the character of the wolf and owl, and being as expert 
thieves as the rat. It was impossible to tame them. (The Topo- 
graphy of Hitachi was composed in the Chinese language about 710, 
and consists chiefly of legends taken down from the lips of the oldest 
inhabitant.) In this same book a story is told of one Kurogaka no 
mikoto, who, taking advantage of the temporary absence of some of these 
cave-dwellers, filled up the entrance to their dwellings with thorns. 
On their return he hunted them with horsemen, but being caught by the 
thorns and unable to escape, many received wounds of which they 
afterwards died. 

In the reign of Suzhin Tenwau (who, according to the popular 
chronology, reigned from 97 to 80 B.C. and died at the age of 120 
years), says the same topography, an expedition was sent against the 

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robber tribes of the eastern barbarians (under the command of one Take- 
kashima no mikoto, who very likely took his name from Kashima, a 
district in Hitachi province). He took up his quarters on Aba no 
shima, lying some distance west from the sea- shore. There were two 
chiefs of the barbarians, who dug holes and constructed banks of earth, 
which formed their ordinary dwellings. The Mikado's officer sent his 
men in pursuit of the savages, who retreated behind their earthworks 
and guarded them strictly. He therefore held a council of war, and 
picking out his most valiant warriors, formed them into an ambuscade 
amongst the hills, while he held the shore with his ships. During a 
whole week he had songs and music performed on board, which attracted 
the whole population, man and woman, down to the beach, when the 
signal was given, and the warriors issuing forth from their hiding places* 
seized the earthworks, and then taking the barbarians in the rear made 
them all prisoners, and burnt them alive. 

In that part of the Nihongi which contains the history of Keikau 
Tenwau (said to have reigned from 71 to ISO A.D. and to have lived 
143 years) the most redoubtable of the eastern babarians are said to 
have been the Ainos [so that there must have been other tribes as 
well as Ainos] . The sexes dwelt together promiscuously, without 
distinction of father and son (i.e. of parent and child). In the winter they 
lived in caves and in the summer dwelt in huts (or nests). They dressed 
in furs and drank blood. Even brothers were suspicious of each other. 
In ascending the hills they flew like birds, and passed through the grass 
like running quadrupeds. They forgot the favours they received, and 
always revenged injuries, and to this end they carried arrows in their 
hair and swords hidden in their dress. They were in the habit of 
assembling in bands to harry the Japanese frontier. Sometimes they 
took advantage of the Japanese being engaged in agriculture to carry 
them off into captivity. When attacked they concealed themselves in 
the grass, and when pursued, fled into the hills. 

Eurokaha then examines the notices of cave-dwellers in the western 
parts of Japan. 

The Topography of Hizen speaks of Uuthi-gumo in Higo, who 
refused to submit to the authority of the Mikado in the reign of the 
prehistoric sovereign Suzhiii Tenwau already mentioned. His son, the 

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mythical hero Yamatodake no mikoto, also encountered tsuchi-gumo in the 
coarse of his adventures. Fourteen or fifteen other passages are cited 
by him in which tsuchi-gumo are spoken of. Of some it is remarked 
that they " did not use stone, but built with earth," from which the 
natural inference would' be that they constructed mud huts, or perhaps 
roofed enclosures with thick earthen banks. It is worth while noting 
that all these cave-dwellers and tsuchi-gumo disappear before the 
beginning of authentic historical records. 

As it is of interest to know the localities in which these tsuchi-gumo 
are said to have lived, and to record the wars which were waged 
between them and the advancing Japanese, we add the following 
questions from the Topography of Hizeii, and other books, the names of 
which are mentioned. 

In the Topography of Hizeii mention is made of two female tsuchi- 
gumo who modelled out of clay the figure of a man and a horse. These 
they offered to the god Aragami in the village of Shimota mora. 

The massacre of tsuchi-gumo by Yamatodake is spoken of. 

About this time many barbarians or tsuchi-gumo appear to have 
been killed on account of not obeying Imperial orders and refusing to 
serve as soldiers. 

The Emperor Sujin Tennd, whilst hunting in a place where there 
were 80 islands, discovered that on one of them called Eochika a tsuchi- 
gumo named Omimi resided, and on a second island called Ochika there 
was- a tsuchi-gumo named Tarimimi. The remaining islands were 
uninhabited. At the same time a rebellious tsuchi-gumo dwelt in Mount 

In this book many other accounts of tsuchi-gumo are given. Some 
appear to. have been subdued, whilst others were destroyed. They are 
mentioned as living at Hayakuno mura. 

When Jingo Kogo (201-269 A.D.) intended to attack Korea, she 
was wrecked amongst tsuchi-gumo. 

The Emperor Keik6 Tenn6 (71-180 A.D.) fought with tsuchi-gumo 
in the field of Negin6. 

A stone cave called Nedsumi no iwaya existed in a mountain near 
the villages of Tomi no mura in Buzen. 

In Bungo, north of Asami no sato, there are two large cave-like 

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dwellings built of stones, which are supposed to have been inhabited by 
truchi-gunw. In this district the teuehi-gumo seem to have formerjy 
existed in great strength. 

Jinmu Tennd destroyed the t&uchi-gumo of Yamato. 

Sujin Tennd, in the 48th year, made war against Uuchi-gumo of 
the western provinces. 

The Emperor Keikd (71-180 A.D.) carried on several wars against 
the tsuchi-gumo of the western provinces. . Special reference is made to 
wars in the province of Omi. 

In the middle volume of the Kojiki, reference is made to men who 
dwelt in caves. These men are said to have had tails. 

In the Jmdai no maki (a history) there are references made to 

In the Kojiki (first volume) caves with stone doorB are mentioned. 

In the Suisei Tennd ki a large cave in Eataoka is spoken about. 

All the caves, both the stone caves and earth caves, are very often 
mentioned as having doors which, when shut, were very difficult for 
those on the outside to open. 

In the Harima fudoH caves are spoken of at the village of Uwato- 

From the Kojiki and other books we learn that although the caves 
were frequently very small, they were often very comfortable within. 
Straw mats and skins were used for beds. 

In the Kenso Tennd ki (history of the times of the Emperor Eensd 
485-487 A.D.) mention is made of the cave-dwellers having beds made 
np of skins. 

From the Jindai no maki in the NiJum shoki we learn that the 
cave-dwellers buried a dead person in the cave where he had dwelt when 
alive. This custom also exists among the Ainos in Yezo. In the same 
book mention is made of caves of recent origin. 

In the Nintokuki we read that in the 62nd year of the reign of 
Nintoku, artificial caves were made in which to keep ice. 

Even down to the time of the Emperor Tenmu Tennd (678-686 
A.D.) caves appear to have been dug by the Japanese as bed-rooms and 
dwelling places. 

VOL. Till. 11 

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Pit Dwellings. 

• In various parts of Yezo, collections of small pits have been found. 
These were, I believe, first observed by Captain BlakiBton of Hakodate. 
In 1878 I examined several of these at Nemoro. From the similarity 
existing between these pits and a number of covered pits which I saw 
in the Northern Kuriles, which had been the tenements of Alutes, I 
was led to the conclusion that the pit-dwellers of Eamschatka had at 
one time dwelt further south than they do at present, and were in ail 
probability the originators of the groups of pits which are scattered 
round the shores of Northern Yezo. 

The conclusion to which I am led with regard to the shell-heaps 
is that they are of Aino origin. The chief arguments which have been 
brought forward in opposition to such a* view are, first that the Ainos 
are not pot-makers, and if they ever were pot-makers it is difficult to 
conceive how such an art could be forgotten. 

In answer to such a statement, I may mention that Mr. Charles 
Maries, when travelling near Horoidzume, on the eastern coast of Yezo, 
saw at the houses of the Ainos clay vessels, in appearance very like the 
fragments obtained from the shell-heaps, and he believes that the Ainos 
in that district still manufacture pots. Further, I may add that in a 
voluminous and profusely illustrated work upon the Ainos written in 
the year 1800, which is now in the possession of Mr. James Bisset of 
Yokohama, there are drawings given, together with a description of the 
pots which were at that time manufactured by the Ainos. 

The second objection is that the Ainos were not cannibals, and the 
mildness of their character would preclude even the suspicion of such a 
trait ever having soiled their character. In reply to this, I may remark 
that in many of the works (of which there are some twenty or thirty in 
the Asakusa library) describing the Ainos, there are many references 
given, which shew that the Ainos, a few hundred years before they were 
properly subdued, possessed a character which was sufficiently cruel to 
render it unnecessary for us to extend our imagination very far beyond the 
incidents which are there recorded to see them practising cannibalism. As 
instances of their cruelty, we may remark that amongst their punishments, 
severing the muscles of the leg, boiling the arms, slicing the nose, etc., 

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were not uncommon customs. (On this subject see the remarks of Mr. 
Henry von Siebold, in his interesting and valuable book entitled " Notes 
on Japanese archaeology.") 

When speaking on thifc subject we must remember that it is not the 
Ainos of the present day about whom we speak, but about their 
ancestors, wno, like the ancestors of nearly all races, were more bar- 
barous than their modern representatives. Even in a country like 
Scotland, traces quite as suspicious as those of Omori have been 
discovered, and although the Scotch a hundred years or so ago were, as 
compared with their present condition, sufficiently uncultivated (see 
Buckle's History of Civilization, Vol. II.), we have here an instance 
where it is even more difficult than it is in the case of the Ainos to carry 
our imagination back to the times of cannibalism ; but in spite of our 
repugnance and the apparent impossibility of imagining such a state, 
the facts which are before us force us to these unpalatable conclusions. 
Prof. Morse lays great stress upon the platynemic tibia which he has 
discovered in these shell-heaps. If such tibia are a characteristic of the 
Ainos, and I am assured that such is the case, we have here another 
indication pointing in the same direction. 

That the originators of these shell-heaps were Ainos, and not the 
remains of others who may have lived before them, I take the following 
as being evidence of the strongest character : — 

1st. — The contents of the heaps, from the remarks just made, are 
such that it is quite possible that they may have been of Aino origin. 
The designs on the pottery are, in very many instances, similar to the 
designs which are carved by the Ainos of the present day. When we 
remember that the Ainos have been continually decreasing in numbers, 
whilst at the same time they were coming closer in contact with the 
Japanese, from whom pottery which was both cheaper and better than 
their own could be obtained, it is only reasonable to suppose that the 
ait of pottery should be gradually given up. Illustrations of parallel 
cases might be cited from European sources, as for instance the loss of 
the art of glass making amongst the Venetians. 

2nd. — The positions which these shell-heaps occupy are on spots 
which we know from history were once tenanted by Ainos, and even 

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down to the end of the 12th century Ainos were living in Nipon. 
Traces of this occupation are left in the names of many places, as for 
instance Imabetsu in Tsugaru. 

If we assume that these shell-heaps were formed near to the shore, 
as shell-heaps are formed by the Ainos and Japanese of the present day, 
and then appeal to geological reasoning, we shall be led to similar 

As an example of such reasoning *we may take the Omori shell- 
heap, which is situated on the inner edge of the Tama-gawa delta, about 
half a mile distant from the sea-shore. If we, then, assume that the 
rate of advance of this delta has been on an average one yard per year, 
880 years ago the Omori heap must have been very near to the sea- 
board. If the rate of advance has been only one-third of this, that is 
one foot per year, the time which has elapsed since the Omori heap was 
on the shore can only have been about 2640 years. These rates of 
advance have been computed by comparing together a number of old 
maps phewing the head of Yedo Bay. 

At the time I wrote the " Stone Age in Japan " (a paper which has 
already been referred to), in order to determine the age of the Omori 
shell-heaps I used an argument similar to that which has here been 
brought forward. The materials on which I based my arguments consisted 
for the most part of a number of old maps which are to be found 
in the Asakusa library. For copies of these maps my best thanks are 
due to Mr. Toshio Nakano, of the Edbu dai Gakkd. 

Since making these calculations, I have seen a valuable paper by 
Dr. Edmund Naumann upon the plain of Yedo, in which he publishes a 
copy of a map of Yedo in the year 1028. 1 (See Petermann's Mittheilungen, 
25 Band, 1879, p. 128.) As this map, combined with others to which 
I have before referred, forms such excellent material from which to 
study the advancements which have taken place in the coast line round 
the head of Yedo Bay, I have ventured to append the accompanying 
sketch, on which five coast lines are marked, namely, those of the 
periods Chdgen (1028-1086), Chdzoku (1457-1460), Eiroku (1558-1569), 
Kuanyei (1624-1644), and the one of the present day. As the old 

1 Froxn what Dr. Naumann says respecting this map, too great reliance must 
not be put upon it, as it was in all probability drawn from tradition. 

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maps from which these are taken are in many places very indefinite, 
these sketches mast be regarded as being only approximately true. Also 
it must be observed that these coast lines are not complete, only those 
portions of them being drawn which shew an advancement of the 
sea-board. At many times in places there was a retreat of the land, 
probably due to its being worn away by the Somida-gawa or the 
sea. To have represented the complete coast lines during each of 
these periods would have necessitated the drawing of five map's, and 
these, if they were superimposed upon each other, would have led to a 
confusion of lines without being more valuable for the purpose for which 
the accompanying map has been drawn. 

By looking at the map as it stands, it will be seen that the delta of 
the Sumida-gawa and the Naka-gawa has increased, like all other deltas, 
at very different rates in its different parts. Near the mouths of the 
rivers the advance has been rapid, whilst to the right and left we see 
that it has been slow. 

As a few out of the many examples which might be taken to shew 
what this rate of increase has been, we may take the following : — 

1. From Asakusa in 1459 to the mouth of the present Sumida-gawa 
the distance is about 4,200 yards. To form this in 420 years gives an 
average advancement of the land at 88 feet per year. 

2. From the coast line of 1459 opposite to the castle and across 
the modern Tsukiji to the present coast, is a distance of about 1,200 
yards. This gives an advancement of eight feet per annum. 

8. From the coast line of 1459 at Shiba, the distance* is about 800 
yards. This gives an advancement of about two feet per year. 

4. From the coast line of Asakusa in 1028, to the present coast 
line is a distance of about 4,800 yards. To form this in 850 years 
indicates an advancement of 17 feet per annum. 

5. From the old coast line of Funa-gawa in 1558 to the present 
coast line is a distance of about 2,400 yards. To form this in 820 years 
means an increase in the land at the rate of 22 feet per year. 

The Omori shell-heap is situated on the edge of the Tama-gawa 
delta as Shiba is on the edge of the delta of the Sumida-gawa. 

From these results it will be seen that by taking an average advance 
of only one foot per year, when calculating the age of the Omori heap, 

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I am in all probability far within the limits of what has actually been 
the case, and therefore the age of the heap, rather than being more than 
2,600 years old, is probably less than that period. 

It may of coarse be remarked that the delta of the Samida-gawa is not 
that of the Tama-gawa, and that on this latter river the rate at which 
silt has been deposited may have been much lesB than the rate at which 
it has been deposited in tfce former. 

To any one who has looked at the two rivers, it will, however, be t 
recognized that the differences are in every probability too small to make 
any essential difference in so general a calculation. 

From the long spit which the Tama-gawa is throwing out, assuming 
that these two rivers are of the same geological age, it would seem that 
if there is a difference we shall find that the deposition in the Tama-gawa 
is the more rapid of the two, and if careful investigations and calculations 
were made, the time when the Omori shell-heap was on the sea-shore 
would prove to be less than 2,000 years ago. 

[Note. — In confirmation of the correctness of these old maps, I may 
mention that Dr. Naumann has, by several historical references, 
shewn that sea existed in those parts where the maps indicate it to 
have existed. ' As a farther proof we have the geological evidence 
based on the nature of the soil.] 

Returning now to the question before us, we see that geological 
reasoning and historical research are supplementary and afford each 
other a mutual support. ' The one tells us when the shell-heaps were on 
the shore, and the other when Ainos were hunters in the land, and these 
periods are accordant. 

That the Ainos used stone implements there seems to be no doubt. 
In the book already referred to, written in the year 1800, the names of 
Aino tribes living in the interior of Yezo who were then using stone 
implements are given, and the reasons why they should be compelled 
to do so are commented upon. 

In all that has been here said about the Ainos, it must be remem- 
bered that the name "Aino " has been used in its most general sense. 
In Yezo at the present day there are different tribes of Ainos, and it is 

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quite possible that the tribes who originally dwelt m Nipon may have 
become quite extinct, and that those who still live in Yezo are only 
branch representatives of their ancestors. 

So far as we are yet able to judge from the facts before us, the 
conclusions then are : — That the Ainos once covered Japan, and that 
they have left behind them kitchen middens as indications of their 
presence. Step by step they were gradually forced back towards the 
north. During this retreat it is possible that they in turn drove the 
pit-dwellers, who were probably Alutes or Kamschadales, through the 
Euriles toward Eamschatka. Whilst these changes were going on in the 
north, the Japanese advancing from the south, being desirous of learn- 
ing the arts practised by their neighbors on the continent, invited over 
colonies of Koreans. 

If we could go back to the time when the Ainos roamed through 
Nipon, no doubt we should find them pondering over broken stone and 
other spoor which had been left by those who lived before them. If, 
on the other hand, we could go forward to the period of the coming 
race, to the time when the existence of Europeans in Japan will be little 
more than folk-lore, no doubt we should see the archaeologist of the 
future filling his museum with fragments of brick gathered on the site 
of ancient Tokio. 

In fact, all that we have before us is the fragments of a long 
story. Coming before that which has here been indicated, there is a 
paragraph which so far has not yet been read, whilst after it there is a 
paragraph being now worked out, and which some day will be studied 
by a future generation. 

The story is that of how one race has succeeded another. It finds 
its parallel in all countries, and it has been called by Darwin the struggle 

for existence. 



The President, in thanking Mr. Milne for his very valuable communication, 
asked for more information as to the evidence of land upheaval and silting whidh 
had been mentioned in the paper, and whether there was any evidence that 
upheaval was now going on in this part of the island. 

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. (88) 

Mr. Aston expressed his gratification that so much attention had been paid 
daring the last few years to the important subject of the prehistoric remains 
found in Japan. He was glad to observe a tendency to diminish the antiquity 
which had been earlier assigned to these remains by some of the writers on this 
subject. Civilization is in Japan a product of much more recent growth than in 
Europe, and we do not require to go so far back in order to meet with tokens 
of a primitive degree of advancement. In connection with the question of 
the Aino occupancy of the main island of Japan, Mr. Aston exhibited a rubbing 
from a stone which may still be seen at Taga near Sendai. This stone has an 
inscription of which the following is a translation : — 

U WE8T. 

•• Castle of Taga: 

Distant from the capital 1,500 ri. 

" " frontier of Yezo 120 ri. 

•' " ". "Hitachi 412 ri. 

» " « " Shimotsuke 274ri. 

" " " " Makkatsu 8,000ri. 

" This castle was built in the first year of Shinki, Kinoye-Ne (A J). 724), by 
OnoAson Adzumado, Azeshi (Commissioner of Police) and general for the 
maintenance of order, upper grade of the junior division of the fourth rank and 
fourth rank of the Order of Merit. It was repaired by Yemi no Ason, Fujiwarano 
Asakari, Sangi (Councillor) Setsudoshi (General) of the Tdsandd, upper grade of 
the junior division of the fourth rank, Minister for Home Affairs, Azeshi( Com- 
missioner of Police), and General for the maintenance of order, in the 6th year 
of Tempei Hdji, Midzunoye-Tora, AJ). 762. 

" 1st day of 2nd month of the 6th year of Tempei Hdji (762)." 

The ri mentioned here are evidently not the ordinary Japanese n, but the 
ancient ri of six cho, or somewhat less than half a mile. This would place the 
Yezo frontier rather more than fifty miles north of Sendai, thus leaving a large 
tract which was then known as Yezo, and which we may presume was still in- 
habited by Ainos. Of course this inscription is only one of a number of evidences 
of a similar character. 

Dr. H. Fauldfl concurred in the President's estimate of the valuable 
contribution which had just been listened to. Prof. Milne had spoken of one of 
the vessels as showing a cord mark. Undoubtedly the jar spoken of had a raised 
pattern of cord-like shape running in a wave around its neck. Archawlogically, 
however, if must be noted that the so-called cord-marks in primitive pottery were 
something quite different from this. They are simple, rough, inartistic indenta- 
tions in the clay, made before drying. The simplest, and presumably earliest, 
specimens seem to have been the result of pressure from bandages of 
rough open mat or cloth made from grass ropes. These bandages were probably 
wound around the soft vessel in order to enable it to retain its shape while 


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( 89 ) 

drying. Such an appearance is often seen in the large lumps of day taken out 
of T6kid canals for the undercoat of plaster, and the impressions are made by the 
grass rope bags in which the mass is carried, but the meshes are much less open 
in early pottery. The ordinary cheap domestic earthenware hitherto so despised 
by connoisseurs is fall of striking reminiscences of this rude art now so generally 
supposed to be lost. The black braziers in common use in Japan are covered 
with stamped impressions which can be traced back, the speaker believed, 
through many slight modifications to this early character. The desire to conform 
to a conventional type which has become deeply rooted in the domestic habits 
of a people gives rise in art to many such examples. The "mat" impressions 
figured by Prof. Morse in plate V. fig. 1 are to be found repeated in the 
most recent pottery, and the speaker had seen and examined a piece of 
the most primitive grass rope kind which had certainly been made in 
Japan within the last ' seven hundred years. Those found in the shell- 
heaps studied by Professors Milne and Morse were all of a more highly developed 
and differentiated type than that, and the fragments now shown by the essayist were 
identical with more found in Omori. The types hitherto found in these shell- 
heaps did not seem to the speaker to be separated by any one well-marked char- 
acter from contemporary pottery of a low grade. Indeed the shell-heaps 
scattered along the old and recent coasts of Tedo Bay presented in their 
fragments of pottery a series of modifications leading up fo recent times, 
and some of the heaps may be seen in actual process of accumulation. People 
not accustomed to such enquiries naturally perhaps tended at first to exaggerate a 
little the antiquity of their discoveries, and hence cautious criticism was useful. 
What was the greatest antiquity which could be allowed to them ? Looking at all 
the facts, he had ventured publicly to assign 600 years as the probable antiquity of 
the Omori heap, and was glad now to announce that Mr. Ninagawa, of the Tdkid 
Museum, and the principal authority on the subject of Japanese pottery, decides that 
the remains of earthenware cannot be older than about 1,000 years, for at that time it 
was known that the methods of working which had been adopted were first introduced 
into Japan. It thus remained, therefore, for him (the speaker) to point out that the 
" almost infinite " varieties represented there, as alluded to by Prof. Morse in his work, . 
and the notable fact of their being spread so widely along the old coast of Japan, would 
probably necessitate their being dated a century or two later than that period, 
which came very near indeed to his original published estimate of 600 years. A 
definite rise of the beach had been historically recorded, and there were several 
facts to show that even in the present century a very noticeable elevation had 
taken place. It would be a fallacy, however, to assume generally that any shell-heap 
had necessarily been formed en the actual coast line. Cases had been recorded in 
a Scottish newspaper, during the Queen's recent tour in the western Highlands, 
where struggling croft farmers had lived on shell and other fish largely, And 
although their farms were at a long distance from the shore and high above it, 
vol. viii, . 12 

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( 90 ) 

their homesteads were surrounded by heaps of empty shells, doubtless with 
fragments of contemporary pottery strewed amongst them. A future geologist 
looking simply at Buch a fact might readily err in his deductions. In the elaborate 
work of Professor Morse, published by the University, he had carefully given us a 
description of the markings of the prehistoric pottery found by him. He (the 
speaker) now begged leave to show some interesting but unpretentious specimens 
of the "prehistoric" pottery of this nineteenth century. The first is- a tea-pot of 
unglazed earthenware. It has been entirely moulded by the fingers, and has in 
many places been^ indented all over with a rough cloth pattern ; its ornamentation 
consists of the simplest and most childlike whirls and scratches, while its handle 
is stuck on in the most primitive fashion. It is in quite common use in Tdkid, 
the capital of Japan, at the present day. The next article is BtiU more strikingly 
" prehistoric." It cannot have been turned on the wheel, but is an imperfect cone 
made of a sheet of rolled-out clay folded on itself like a grocer's poke. Its neck 
has been narrowed and then the rim everted by the pressure of fingers, the 
markings of which are retained. It has a somewhat amphora-like appearance, and 
resembles also the ancient lachrymatory or tear-bottle, but is much cruder in design 
than any the speaker had seen in museums and much larger than the latter. 
They are used for keeping warm the »ake of the Japanese night policemen chiefly, 
the cone being thrust into the hot ashes of the brazier. Such examples ought to 
suggest more caution in making deductions than had sometimes been displayed in 
our day. A curious example of the conventional reproduction of such primitive 
scratchings and indentations as adorn one of the fragments (No. 3) shown by Prof. 
Milne was on view in a curio shop in Asakusa a few weeks ago. The vessel was of 
iron and not of vefy ancient date. It was an exact imitation of a clay one of the 
same type which must have existed as a model. Any one would have admitted 
that. Another type of pottery which is now in common use and is glazed, 
reproduces the iron conventional one — the staining of rust being very well imitated. 
The original type has here undergone at least two transmutations, and the first 
hatchings seem to be conventional "reminiscences" of an expiring cord-marked 
pottery. Such facts, and they are exceedingly numerous, tended to show that a tradi- 
tion of the oldest shell-heap pottery still lives in the lower strata of contemporary art 
in Japan, which in itself is corroboration of the newness of these oldest known 
shell-heaps an J their continuity in historical evolution with present Japanese progress. 
The late survival of " prehistoric" pottery and other arts is the rule rather than 
the exception under certain conditions of social progress. The speaker was not 
prepared as yet to accept finally the belief that the Ainos were the founders of 
these heaps. To show that they now have similar pottery, etc., might perhaps in 
itself not show more than that, as gypsies in Europe do, they had slowly adopted 
the arts of the more civilized race surrounding them. But other evidence may 
ye* be found to settle this question. When we look back to primitive man 
struggling to reach a higher level, we are glad to avail ourselves of every feeblest aid 

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to get a glimpse of him, but the records he has left are very few and not very 
expressive at the best. Attempts had been made to determine whether ancient ■ 
men were not sometimes left-handed, and the direction of the pressure in making 
arrow-heads had been thought to demonstrate the fact. It had occurred to him 
that the finger markings in primitive pottery might be made to contribute some 
faint ray of light. The furrows on the tips of one's fingers form a very distinct 
pattern. In all the fingers of one man's hand they might be found to run downwards 
obliquely from left to right. In another the thumb only migbt show another 
pattern. In another still, all the fingers might be. different from this, and so on, so 
that it was not impossible that a new means of reaching some legible race marks 
might be added to science by a careful comparative study of these familiar 
finger-point patterns. At present the facts known to him in this connection were 
simply puzzling, but law must underlie them. 

In reply Mr. Milne observed that with regard to the suggestion of Dr. 
Fanlds that a mistake might arise by assuming that the Omori shell-heap 
was on the sea-board at the time of its. formation, it must be remembered 
that all the shell-heaps which have been discovered in the same neighbourhood 
he round the edge of an ancient coast line on the border of a delta, and that the 
position of the Omori heap was not an exceptional one like the position of 
the shell heaps which had been referred to by Dr. Faulds. The pit dwellings 
which Mr. Aston spoke of also appeared to be of an exceptional nature, whereas 
from the number of those which are to be found round Yezo, it. would Bcem that 
they represented ordinary every-day dwelling places and not places which had been 
dug out in cases of emergency. They were* in fact like the groups of regular 
dwelling places which are at' the present day excavated in Kamchatka. The best 
proofs of elevation having taken place round Yedo bay appeared to be the Pholus 
borings which are to be seen at several places in the cliffs almost 10 feet above the 
present high- water mark — and this rise of land, taken in conjuction with the vast 
deposits of silt which are brought down by the various large rivers which flow into 
the bay, would make the changes in coast line exceedingly rapid. 

The meeting was then adjourned. 

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By J. H. Gubbins. 

[Read December 9, 1879.] 
Nearly thirty years have elapsed since Japan emerged from the 
seclusion imposed upon her by her rulers, and opened her markets to 
foreign commerce. These years have witnessed changes of a magnitude 
which perhaps was scarcely contemplated by the innovators themselves. 
Although during this period much has been learnt of the present 
condition of the Japanese nation, it is doubtful if we know much more 
of its past history than was to be found in the chronicles of Dutch 
writers and the letters of Spanish and Portuguese missionaries, At the 
present time, when the wave of foreign civilization has yet to run its 
course in Japan, and whatever smacks of antiquity is neglected in the 
common cry for something new, it is not surprising if the wide, field 
which the history of past centuries presents to the nafive student is • 
abandoned for more seductive researches in, the direction of European 
literature and sciences. When the reaction sets in, it may be that 
Japan will give birth in her turn to a Macaulay, a Froude,- or a Hume, 
and past events be set forth with that clearness and eloquence which 
these masters of historical narrative 'have achieved. Until then, however, • 
the task of tracing back effects to their causes, and unravelling the 
tangled skein of Japanese history, must be no light one. For, unfor- 
tunately, native works claiming to be histories of Japan, to which we are 
referred for information, are singularly barren of Jhose details which are 
essential to an intelligent appreciation of the course of events. They 
are more properly chronological records, in which great facts and events 
are noted in the exact order in which they happened, without comment 

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or explanation of any kind. And when we consider that the two main 
qualities by which the merit of a book in former days was determined*, 
and by which the writer was therefore influenced in the composition of his 
work, were elegance of diction and accuracy of detail, we cannot be sur- 
prised when we hear of events but learn nothing of the cause, and read 
in monotonous order of the births, accessions, and deaths of emperors ; 
of battles, sieges, and startling occurrences, without acquiring any 
knowledge of the minor links* in the great chain of events which have 
in reality a deeper interest for after generations of readers. The writers 
of these works had in their minds as they wrote two ideas upon which 
they worked, to the exclusion of everything else, — namely, that Japan was 
a great empire, ruled by one sovereign, and that the governing dynasty 
had preserved, during a period extending over 2000 years, that unbroken 
succession of which every Japanese is, or professes to be, proud. They 
overlooked the fact, so very patent to us now, that though Japan was 
theoretically under one sovereign, it was practically divided into many 
petty states, each with its own history ; and that just as in the science 
of medicine a knowledge of anatomy is indispensable to the right under- , 
standing of the human frame and its various functions, so the progress 
of events in each province and clan had its influence upon the history 
of the empire, and was in fact inseparably connected with it. 

To give one instance from many, — " Japanese histories " tell us 
of the introduction of Christianity at a certain date into Kiushiu, but 
of the causes which led to its adoption, assisted its development, and 
finally brought about its proscription, we hear nothing whatever. 

Fortunately, however, the information thus wanting in Japanese 
histories is supplied by another class of works, of which the Heike 
Monogatari, the Gempei-aeisuiki, the Nihonguaishi-ho, the TaikSH, 
Tokugawaki, etc., are prominent instances. The number of these books 
is happily large. They are all more or less local in character, supplying 
details respecting particular clans, families, or provinces, or the subjects 
treated of have a special bearing on certain episodes in Japanese 
history which one looks for in vain among works of greater literary 
pretensions. They suffer by comparison with so-called histories of Japan, 
inasmuch as the authors have been led by interested motives to accept 
for facts circumstances which have a high colouring of romance, but it 

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94 gubbins: HID^YOSHI and the satsuma clan. 

is a question if they do not gain more by supplying those very details in 
the history of the times which cannot be found elsewhere. To a student 
of Japanese history they are invaluable, for it is only by a careful study 
of each clan and its relation to the central government that we can form 
a correct judgment of past events. 

The subject of the present paper, — the struggle for supremacy 
between Hid^yoshi and the Satsuma Clan in the sixteenth century, has 
been overlooked by a recent 1 writer on Japan, for it finds no place in 
his list of Hideyoshi's enterprises. Yet in its bearing on the. history of 
the period it can only be regarded as an event of the first importance. 
The position of Satsuma has always been one of peculiar interest. Until 
the year before last she was an imperium in imperio. It is the object of 
this paper to shew briefly how high was the position she held three 
centuries ago, and how her power was then checked, although through 
motives of policy the position of the clan was left practically uriassared. 

Before proceeding to give an account of Hideyoshi's campaign, it 
may be interesting to go back a little, and beginning with a short sketch 
of earlier events, shew the causes which brought upon the Satsuma Clan 
the displeasure of the. government at Kiyoto. And we cannot begin this 
retrospect better than in the words of a historical romance entitled 
11 Toyotomi Chinsei Gunki " — (an account of the conquest of the western 
Provinces by Toyotomi Hideyoshi). 

" Of all the wide space under heaven there is no corner, however 
small, which does not belong to the Sovereign. Therefore everything 
that breathes the breath of life is under an obligation to the Emperor. 
From the earliest times there have always been evil persons who have 
disobeyed the Imperial commands, and have created disturbances in the 
State ; but thanks to the divine origin of this land of ours, their machi- 
nations have come to naught. During eighty generations of Emperors, 
from Jimmu Tennd downwards, the sixty odd provinces of Japan were 
governed by hige (Court nobles), who were the channels through 
which the Emperor's commands were transmitted to the people, and 
revolts were put down by the troops who guarded the palace. But 
the administration of the kuge was too mild, and from time to time 
those people who lived in remote districts, mistaking the gentleness of 

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the hand which ruled them for weakness, rebelled against the Imperial 
mandates and raised insurrections, thus violating the peace of the 
realm. In this way the rival Houses of Minamoto and Taira main- 
tained a civil war during the periods of Hogen and Heiji [A. D. 1256] , 
and the feud continued until Yoritomo's family finally defeated the 
Taira, and restored tranquillity to the country. In return for his services 
he received the title of % Nihon sotsui hosJri, and the government of Japan 
from that time may be said to have passed into the hands of the 
military class which he founded [A.D. 1192] . Yoritomo, as commander- 
in-chief of the military forces, ruled with an iron hand, and every 
province submitted to his sway." 

For the next 150 years the administrative power was nominally in 
the hands of Yoritomo's descendants, but it was wielded by members of 
the Hojo family, who were called SJwyun no Shikken (or Chief Adviser 
to the Shogun). On the overthrow of the 9th of the line (A. D. 1888), 
Takatoki, the government of the country reverted to the Emperor and 
the huge. But only for a short time. As one of the results of the battle 
of the Minato-gawa, the Shdgunate was reestablished under Ashikaga 
Takauji, and with its revival the military class secured a fresh hold upon 
the country, which lasted until modern times. 

It was of course necessary in those turbulent times for the main- 
tenance of peace that the Shogun should be a man of determination and 
ability, and since Yoshimasa, the 8th of the Ashikaga Shoguns, possessed 
neither judgment nor firmness, the result was the outbreak of another 
disastrous civil war (A.D. 1467) known as the " 6nin no Ran. 1 * It 
commenced in a private feud between the Kwan-riyo, or Crown Advisers, 
but little by little other families were drawn into the quarrel on one side 
or the other, animated by personal pique or hereditary jealousy, and 
ultimately these civil troubles lasted for a whole century. 

For this state of anarchy the feudal system in itself was not to 
blame. The evil lay in the conditions under which it existed. The 
jealous sanctity in which the Emperor was enveloped had the effect of 
diminishing the direct influence of the Sovereign upon the administra- 
tion. Other causes which operated in the same direction may be 
found in the disintegrating effects of the constant struggle for supremacy 
between two powerful religions, in the notorious weakness of the Court, 

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and in the narrow sphere of action to which the Shdgunate was limited, 
not to speak of leaser causes, such as defective communication, local 
differences of dialect, and jealousies between the old and new aristocracy. 
Naturally, under such conditions the. feudal system was nourished and 
maintained in growing splendour long after it had ceased to be of 
practical utility to the country. It is the fashion for modern writers, 
especially Japanese, to join in a common outburst of indignation against 
feudalism, to which they appear to attribute all the misfortunes which 
have occurred to the people of Japan ; but there js little doubt that in 
many ways it was of much benefit to the country at large. It was this 

'system which made of Japan a nation of warriors, which brought 
civilization into the remotest parts of the country, and by promoting a 
spirit of rivalry between each clan and each province, gave birth to 
that artistic taste and mechanical genius which have secured to Japan, 
in the case of certain of her productions, a monopoly of the markets of 
the world. That feudalism had its dark side is obvious. While it 
existed Japan was as a house divided against itself. Civilization pro- 
gressed by fits and starts ; now one province and now another passed 
each other in the race for prominence ; and while some, through contact 
with each other and the outside world, reached a high state of Oriental 
civilization, others again, less fortunate in position, remained in the 
" darkness of an untutored barbarism." 

The provinces of Kiushiu were among the most favoured in Japan. 
Yielding in some respects to the provinces in the immediate neighbour- 
hood of the capital, which were more fortunately placed for the growth 
of literature and the fine arts, in the advantages of climate, soil and 

. situation, Kiushiu was second to none. In the dim twilight of early 
history, the settlers in Japan come before us associated with the province 
of Hiuga; it was the same province* which saw the departure of the 
expedition under the command of the legendary hero Jimmu Tennd, 
which landed in Settsu and established its headquarters at Kashiwara in 
Yamato ; and when we quit the uncertain region of romance rfnd come 
down to the surer foothold of later historical fact, it is Kiushiu again 
which, first by means of commerce and secondly through the medium of 
Christian missionaries, was brought into contact with the western world 
long before the rest of the country. 

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The advantages which Kiushiu thus early secured have left their 
mark in history. Her civilization was developed earlier, her customs 
bore the stamp of a clearer individuality, her clans were better organ- 
ized, and their chiefs gifted with more enterprise than any other part 
of Japan, whether we take the Chiugoku, the Gokinai or the Kwantd. 

And as time went on and the spirit of feudalism worked its way 
throughout every corner of the land, leavening the national character 
and customs, this individuality grew more marked, and the distinction 
between a native of Kiushiu and a northerner became more and more 
clearly denned, until it found expression in the popular saying that a 
Satsuma man is first a Satsuma man and then a Japanese. 

During this period of misgovernment or rather no government 
at all, anarchy reigned every where, and Kiushiu was no exception to 
the rest of Japan. Each clan was up in arms against its neighbour ; 
the aggrandisement of one was the signal for a coalition among its 
rivals, and in the prosecution of these feuds little magnanimity was 
shown. They were carried out to the bitter end, with the result that 
not unfrequently a noble family which had owned wide acres for many 
a long year was entirely exterminated. "It seemed," says the 
author above quoted, speaking of this state of things, " as if they in 
their mad eagerness for strife were contending as to which should 
quickest disappear, as the dew on the morning grass. Kiushiu was 
one wide field of disturbance, and a great wail went up to Heaven 
from the unhappy provinces of the southern island. 

But circumstances create the men to deal with them, and Japan 
found such men in Hidfyoshi and his predecessor Nobunaga. When 
in A. D. 1888 the former succeeded the latter in the post of Kambaku, 
he found that the centralizing policy which he advocated had already 
been inaugurated, and that the blow dealt by his predecessor at the 
Buddhist priesthood had at all events removed one obstacle from his 
path. His military talent had contributed in no small degree to 
Nobunaga's success, and it now .served him in good stead, for the 
accomplishment of his own designs. With astonishing rapidity he over- 
came all resistance, being doubtless aided in the case of the more northern 
provinces by the cooperation of Iy6yasu, who was already master of a 
great portion of the Kwantd. Some local chieftains he reduced by force ; 
vol. Tin. 13 

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others, more powerful, he conciliated, and thus in a few short years, 
by a combination of tact and military skill, he succeeded in enforcing 
the central authority everywhere on the main island. He then prepared 
to extend his policy to Eiushiu. 

The state of affairs there was this. Three powerful nobles, Biuzdji 
Masaiy6, Prince of Hizen ; Otomo Yoshishigd, Prince of Bungo ; and 
Shimadzu Yoshihisa, who was the head of the Satsuma Clan, divided the 
island between, them. There were of course several -smaller chieftains, 
each with his territory, his castles, and his own feudal retainers ; but 
these, without an exception, held their lands at the pleasure of one or 
other of the three prominent nobles, and were bound to help their 
patrons with money and men in case of need. 

The first to obtain a commanding position in Eiushiu was the 
family of Otomo. Tradition relates that the founder of the line was a 
natural son of Yoritomo, by a mistress who was the daughter of a man 
of gentle birth named Otomo Tsun&ye\ The boy took the surname of 
his maternal grandfather, and was known as Otomo Ichihoshi. At the 
age of seven he was attached to the suite of Yoritomo, and was fortunate 
enough to attract his master's notice by his coolness and courage on 
the occasion of a riot which occurred one night during a campaign. He 
rapidly rose in the esteem of Yoritomo, and after he reached man's estate 
his distinguished services in various military expeditions, earned him, in 
1198, the appointment of Governor of Bungo and Buzen, with the title 
of Sakon Shogen. From this time he was known as Otomo Yoshinawo. 
We hear little of the Otomo till the civil war, in which two courts with 
rival emperors were established. In these dissensions the reigning 
prince Sadamun6 took the side of the king-maker Ashikaga Takauji, and 
was with the latter in his successful march on Kiyoto and the decisive 
battle of the Minato-gawa. 

To their connection with the victorious party in the State it is 

probable that the Otomo owed the foundation of their future greatness. 

Under Chikao, the grandson of Sadamun6, who according to the records 

of the Otomo appears to have combined the abilities of an administrator 

with military genius, the territory of the Otomo was greatly increased, 

* * . • 

and before he died Chikao received the title of Tsukushi* no Tandai, or 

2 Ancient name for Chikuzen and Chikugo. 

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Governor of the Provinces of Chikuzen and Chikugo> which he held in 
addition to Bnzen and Bango. 

During the next hundred and fifty years the position of the clan 
deteriorated, 'the Barons of the tributary fiefs in Chikuzen and Chikugo 
took advantage of the want of energy in the Otomo chiefs to assert their 
independence ; ^and little by little the territory which had been won by 
Chik&o went out of the clan's grasp, and reverted to its original 
possessors. The domestic relations of the family were also not alto- 
gether happy. The question of succession in the principality was 
frequently the Bubject of fierce contention, and on two occasions the chief 
of the family fell by the hand of his son. 

A revived of military energy took place in the middle of the 
sixteenth century under Gikwan, whose son led the Otomo arms to 
success in Higo, but the prince's wish to disinherit Yoshishig6, the 
rightful heir, in favor of a child by a favorite mistress, led to 
another tragedy in the history of the clan. Two of the principal 
retainers of the Otomo, who sided with the eldest son, resolved that 
this injustice should not be done, and one night they forced their way 
into the prince's sleeping apartments and murdered him. His mistress 
and the boy whom he wished to make his successor were killed at the 
same time. 

Otomo YoshishigeV whom this act placed at the head of the clan in 
A.B. 1550, soon shewed proof of great energy. Desirous of emulating 
the deeds of his ancestor Chikao, he was soon engaged in a series of 
struggles with other nobles in Eiushiu, and with the celebrated Mdri 
Motonari, the Prince of Chdshiu, on the main land. In these he was 
almost invariably successful. M6ri's repeated invasions of the Otomo 
territory were repulsed with great loss, and he was defeated signally in 
three pitched battles. Riueoji in Hizen met with no better success. 
His advance in cooperation with Mdri was ignominiously checked, and 
he had to sign an inglorious peace with the Otomo Generals in his own 
dominions. The rebellious vassal chiefs in other provinces threw them- 

*YoBhishig6 is the Prince of Bungo alluded to in the works of Christian 
missionaries on Japan as Civandono. His influence in Eiushiu was clearly one of 
the causes of the rapid spread pf Christianity, as that of Satsuma was associated 
with its decline. 

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selves on the clemency of Yoshishig6, and by the year 1578 the territory 
of the clan was as great as it had ever been, and it held the first position 
in Kiushiu. 

From this high position the fall of the Otomo was sadden. Daring 
the last few years of their power a hostile clan in the south had quietly 
been working its way to the fore. Its strength was now to be shewn. 
A long and successful, campaign against the neighbouring prince of 
Hiuga had enabled the Satsuma Clan to make gradual encroachments on 
the southern frontier of its rival, and in the autumn of 1578, the same 
year which saw the Otomo family at the height of its power, a rapid 
and victorious inroad had carried the Satsuma Generals to a point 
within 40 miles of the Bungo border. The Otomo chief hurried to the 
assistance of his ally at the head of an army of 70,000 men, and met 
the invaders near the Mimi-gawa. In the long-contested battle which 
ensued, — lasting the greater part of two days, — the Satsuma troops 
were completely victorious, and Otomo Yoshishige 1 barely escaped with 
his life and the remnant of his army. From this blow the family 
never recovered. 

The tradition which gives the same illustrious descent to the 
founder of the House of Shimadzu as to the first prince of the Otomo, 
pointing to Yoritomo as their direct ancestor, is too well known to quote 
at length here. According to this story Yoritomo, when a captive in the 
power of the rival House of Taira, formed an attachment to the sister of 
one of his guardians. Their connection was discovered, and the girl, 
escaping with her life owing to the tender heart of the retainer who had 
been ordered to kill her, found her way into the province of Settsu, 
where in the shadow of the shrine at Sumiyoshi, she gave birth to a son. 
In the year 1193 this son was appointed (Governor* of Satsuma, and 
three years later settled at Shutsu-yei-zan, whence he subsequently 
removed to Eagoshima, which became the Satsuma .Capital from that 

It is not until the latter part of the sixteenth century that the 
Shimadzu family appear prominently in history. Up to that time a 
succession of family feuds prevented the display of that spirit of restless 
aggression which subsequently became the principal characteristic of the 
clan, and the territories of the Shimadzu were limited to the one province 

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gubbinb: hid&yoshi and tsA satsuma clan. 101 

of Satsuma. Bat in 1552, under Shimadzu Takahisa, the affairs of the 
province became settled, and four years later the clan embarked on the 
rapid career of conquest which made it finally master of Kiushiu. In 
16J56 Osumi was attacked and quickly annexed. This advance of the 
Satsuma frontier brought it to the borders of ltd Yoshisuke*, whose 
ancestors had held the greater part of Hiuga since the time of 
Yoritomo. It was not long before a border quarrel arose, which was 
the beginning of a long struggle between the two chieftains, in the ' 
course of which now one and now the other held the upper hand. 

In 1564 Shimadzu Takahisa received the title of Mutsu ifo Kami. 
Seven years later he died and was succeeded by his son Yoshihisa, who 
led the clan in the struggle against Hid^yoshi. Following his father's 
policy, Yoshihisa devoted himself entirely to increasing the military 
strength of the elan. For 15 years his father Takahisa had fought with 
ltd in Hiuga without any very decisive result except the gradual ex* 
tension of the Satsuma frontier. Under Yoshihisa the feud was prolonged 
for seven years more, — each of those years seeing the increase of the 
Satsuma power, — until in 1578 the defeat of the allied forces of Otomo 
Yoshishige* and ltd Yoshisuke, in the battle of Mimi-gawa, placed 
the Shimadzu in undisputed possession of Hiuga. Elated by this 
success, he extended his operations to Higo and Hizen, and it became 
apparent that he aimed at nothing less than the conquest of the 
-whole of Kiushiu. The chieftain who opposed him in these provinces 
was Biuzdji Takanobu, who at that time owned the greater part of 
Hizen and Higo. He was no match for Shimadzu Yoshihisa, and after 
a five years' contest he had lost his possessions in Higo and was driven 
to act on the defensive in his own province. In 1584, Shimadzu having 
secured an ally in Arima Yoshidzumi, Chief of the district of Shimabara 
in the south of Hizen, sent an expedition against Biuzdji under the 
command of his brother Iyehisa. The expedition landed at Sukawa-ura 
and marched to Shimabara. Here it was attacked by Riuzoji with a 
fbrce of 80,000 men.. In the battle which ensued Biuzdji was killed 
and his army dispersed. No obstacle then remained to check the 
progress of the Satsuma Chief, and his armies overran every province in 
Kiushiu except Hizen, where, however, he had allies. 

The rapidity with which Satsuma rose to this position in Kiushiu 

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102 gubbins: HIDEYOSHI and the satsuma clan. 

is surprising. In 1555 the territories of the clan consisted of the single 
province of Satsuma. Thirty years later, when Hideyoshi first prepared 
to move against the Satsuma Clan, the Shimadzu were, as stated In the 
proud boast of their chief, the lords of eight provinces. 

Of the origin of the clan of which Riuzoji Takanobu was the head, 
little is to be found in the records which treat of the Kiushiu families. 
The head castle of the family was Saga, in the north-east of Hizen, and 
' Riuzoji Takanobu first comes into notice as an ally of Mdri Motonari in 
his attacks on the Princes of Bungo. We read of him also as constantly 
fighting* with the Otomo for the possession of the province of Higo. 
When Shimadzu Yoshihisa had crushed the power of the Otomo and 
annexed Hiuga, he found that a formidable rival had established himself 
on his northern border. This was Riuzoji Takanobu, who had taken 
advantage of the Satsuma army being occupied on its eastern frontier to 
establish himself in the greater part of Higo. His defeat and death in 
the battle of Shimabara has been already mentioned, and the first act of 
his son Masaiye\ a prince of little energy, was to apply to Hideyoshi for 

The weakness of the Court had become, during a century of misrule, 
such an acknowledged fact that it was not surprising if the Kiushiu 
nobles should resent any exercise of central authority on the part of the 
government at Eiydto. A few years before the ascendancy of Satsuma, 
and while yet the balance of power was evenly divided, their feelings had 
been put to the proof by the arrival of a herald sent by Hideyoshi 
with the double object of making a display of his authority and of 
obtaining a formal recognition of their allegiance Jto the Crown. The 
summons met with little response from the sturdy Barons of the south. 
Those who felt least independent contented themselves with expressing 
a general sense of their attachment to the Emperor, while questioning the 
authority of Hideyoshi to issue orders to them ; — and some, among 
whom was the Satsuma Chief, sent no answer whatever to the message. 
If Hideyoshi waB mortified at the result of his mission, he did not show 
it. He waited, and before long circumstances assisted him in the 
attainment of his objects in a way which perhaps he may have 

For, as we have seen, a few years changed the aspect of things 

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gubbins: hidAyoshi and the satsuma clan. 108 

altogether. Instead of three masters in Kiushiu there was one. Satsuma 
was triumphant everywhere, and since her victories in the battles of 
Mimi-£awa and Shhnabara the absorption of the whole of Kiushiu in the 
Satsuma territory appeared only a question of time. Biuzdji Masaiye* 
had succeeded* his father in Hizen, and the abdication of Otomo 
Yoshishige* raised his son Yoshimun6 to. the leadership of that clan. In 
the opinion of these two chiefs the condition of affairs was desperate, and 
without hesitation they snatched eagerly at the prospect of assistance 
which might reach them from a powerful quarter and appealed for aid 
to Hideyoshi. 

Warned by his previous failure, the latter's first step was to 
ascertain the feelings of the various chieftains in Kiushiu, and agents 
for intrigue, empowered to treat with those Barons who were well 
disposed towards the court, were secretly distributed throughout the 
northern provinces of the island. Their overtures were favorably 
received in many places, for the supremacy of Satsuma was viewed with 
disfavour by the majority of the lesser nobles, prominent amongst 
whom were Tachibana Sakon Shdgen, a leading noble in Chikugo, and 
Akidzuki Tan£zan6, who played an important part in the campaign 
which was to follow. They were related by no ties of blood to the 
Satsuma men, and owned to no dearer connection than that of having 
perhaps at some time or other fought side by side in a border feud. 
Their independence was reduced to a mere shadow. For some time 
past they themselves, their vassals, and all that was theirs had been 
at the beck and call of one of the three dominant clans. And now they 
were in daily fear of peeing their broad acres incorporated with Satsuma, 
and their revenues diverted into her exchequer. So far, the reports of 
Hideyoshi's emissaries were encouraging ; — he might, he learnt, look for 
allies, by no means contemptible in their way, whose fidelity was 
guaranteed partly by actual fear, partly by feelings of clan jealousy. 
But he was not disposed to act hastily. The position of Satsuma 
was undeniably strong. Osumi and Hiuga were hers by right of 
previous conquest and absorption ; she had allies in Hizen ; and her 
armies, flushed with success, were then overrunning Chikuzen, Chikugo, 
Bungo, Buzeh and Higo. 

'Hideyoshi therefore, with his usual caution, hesitated before 

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commencing hostilities, and decided to send a second summons to the 
Satsuma Prince, which should be in the form of an 'ultimatum. For the 
bearer of the message he seleoted Sengoku Gombei Hid£hisa, of whom 
we know little beyond the fact that he was of good family and owned 
•estates in the Province of Iyo, in Shikoku. 

The visit of this special envoy to the Satsuma Capital, and his 
interview with the chief of the southern clan forms in itself a highly 
dramatic incident. The limits of a paper, however, forbid more than a fyief 
allusion to it. The letter delivered by Sengoku condemned the obstinacy 
of Shimadzu in refusing to recognize the authority of the Court at 
Kiyoto, dwelt in forcible terms on the lamentable state to which the 
prolonged civil war had reduced Eiushiu, and called upon the Satsuma 
leader to withdraw his troops at once, and having made peace on 
suitable terms with his opponents, to visit KiyOto and seek new 
patents from the Emperor for his territories. Hid£yoshi offered, 
on condition of Shimadzu complying with his summons, to confirm 
him in possession of Satsuma and Osumi, and the half of Hiuga, 
Higo and Chikugo. The answer of the Prince was brutal and 
defiant. He tore up the missive handed to him by the envoy after 
hastily scanning its contents, and trampling it under his foot, confined 
himself to a verbal reply. In this he justified his own action on the 
ground that he had not been the first to provoke hostilities, refused to 
recognize in Hid£yoshi anything but an adventurer of low extraction, 
who had by questionable means attained a high position in the State 
quite incompatible with his merits, and declared his determination to 
consider no interests save those of his own clan and subjects, whose 
honor was in his keeping. Hideyoshi's offer was dismissed with the 
remark that Satsuma had conquered eight provinces, and these she 
was determined to hold. For the substance of the answer Hideyoshi 
was perhaps not unprepared ; it may be questioned if he quite anticipated 
its rudeness. It reached him early in the summer of 1586, and both 
sides immediately prepared for the impending struggle, on which the 
future of Kiushiu depended. 

Being alive to the importance of striking the first blow, and gaining 
what advantages he could secure before reinforcements from Hideyoshi 
could take the field in sufficient numbers to render a more cautious 

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gubbins: HmiYosm and the satsuma clan. 105 

policy necessary, Shimadzu divided his army into two large forces. One 
of these, 60,000 strong, under the joint leadership of Shimadzu 
Dzusho no Kami and Ijiuin Tadamune\ entered Chiknzen. The other 
was intended to complete the conquest of Bungo, and was formed into 
three separate divisions. The first division, composed of 15,000 men, 
commanded by the Prince in person, moved on Bungo by way of Hiuga, 
while the other two advanced on the threa'tened province by way of 
Higo. Of the two latter, one was evidently intended to act merely as an 
advanced guard to the main body, for it consisted of only 1800 men, 
led by the brother of the Prince, Shimadzu Nakatsukasa Taiyu Iy£shisa. 
The main army numbered no less than 67,000 men, and was commanded 
by Shimadzu Yoshihiro, the heir to the principality, assisted by Niiro 
Musashi no Kami, and other generals of repute. 

Hideyoshi on his side was not idle. He recognized that he had a 
powerful enemy to deal with, and could not afford to risk the cflance of 
defeat. Accordingly he caused instructions to be issued to 87 provinces 
to supply troops at Osaka by the first month of the following year, and 
commenced preparations for the ensuing campaign on a gigantic scale. 
He could the more easily do this, as his position in the State was second 
to none, and by the end of the year he had reached the summit of his 
ambition as a statesman, and was nominated Prime Minister, holding 
this post conjointly with that of Regent. As it was necessary, however,' 
for some time to elapse before such a large army as he contemplated 
forming could take the field, he met the urgent calls for assistance from 
Hizen and Bungo by sentiing orders to Mdri Terumoto, the Prince of 
Chdshiu, to proceed immediately to the relief of the invaded provinces, 
and learning soon afterwards that Mdri's two generals, Kobayakawa 
and Kikkawa, had as much as they could do to hold their own on the 
northern Ohikuzen frontier, Hideyoshi sent word to Nobuchika, the son 
of Chdgokabe* Motochika, Prince of Tosa, to hasten at once to the succour 
of Otomo Yoshimune* in Bungo. 

The Satsuma army operating in Chiknzen had little difficulty in 
reducing the Castle of Iwaya ; and moving westwards rapidly, invested 
Tachibanayama, the chief castle of the province, which was defended by 
the Prince's eldest son. The garrison was hard pressed, and the 
generals of the relieving force, finding that they could not risk a pitched 
vol. tux. 14 

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battle with the powerful Satsuma army before them, had recourse to 
stratagem. A letter addressed to the commander of the garrison was 
written, stating that both Mdri and Hideyoshi had taken the field at the 
head of large armies, and might be expected to arrive at any moment, 
and the bearer was instructed to allow himself to be captured by the 
enemy, but to get as near the castle as possible. The ruse succeeded. 
The letter was intercepted, and the Satsuma leaders, fearing for the 
safety of their communications, hastily raised the siege, and withdrew 
into Higo, within reach of castles friendly to the Satsuma cause. 

But in Bongo the Satsuma operations were more successful. The 
invaders, moving in the three divisions already mentioned, carried all 
before them. In the autumn Otomo was defeated when endeavouring 
to relieve the Castle of Toshimitsu, and the Satsuma troops pushing on, 
laid siege to Funai, the capital of the province. This, then, was the 
situation of affairs in Bungo, when towards the end of the year (1586) 
the reinforcements from Tosa arrived at the port of Usuki. The Tosa 
prince commanded in person, being unwilling to entrust the charge of 
so important an expedition to his son. Otomo hurried to meet him, 
and a council of war was immediately held. In spite of his recent 
defeat, the Bungo chief was for taking the offensive, and in this 
view he was supported by Sengoku Gombei IJid^hisa the late envoy 
to the Satsuma capital, who, burning to revenge himself for the 
slights he had then received, had been at his earnest request attached 
to the expedition in the capacity of military adviser from the court. 
His action was in direct opposition to the instructions given him 
by Hideyoshi, which were that he was to throw all his weight against 
a general engagement being hazarded in the critical position of 
affairs. These opinions also found a supporter in another General 
named Miyoshi Masayasu Shimodzuke' no Kami, who, influenced by the 
memory of former feuds with Chdsokab6, took a pleasure in thwarting 
his wishes. The Tosa leader was thus alone in his dissent. He did all 
he could in the way of argument to prove to the others Jhat the only 
course to be pursued was to act on the defensive, and keeping their 
forces concentrated, endeavour to hold the Satsuma army in check until 
Mdri, or Hideyoshi, could effect a junction with them. But his warning 
fell on deaf ears, and with reluctance he prepared to carry out to the 

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best of his ability the rash decision of the council. This was that the 
relief of the Castle of Toshimitsu, in which Otomo had failed only two 
months before, should again be attempted. 

Since their entry into Bungo the distribution of the Satsuma forces 
had undergone some alteration. The advanced guard of 1,800 men 
under Shimadzu Iy&iisa, constituting the 2nd division, had joined the 
3rd division, and half of the latter, which formed, as has already been 
shown, the main body of the army, had been sent back to protoct the 
communications of tfie invading forces. The division therefore actually 
besieging Yoshimitsu was not more than 80,000 strong. It was com- 
manded by Iye'hisa Yoshihiro and Niiro Musashi no Kami. Through 
their scouts the Generals in the lines before Yoshimitsu heard of the 
arrival of reinforcements from Tosa, and of the intention of the allies 
to march at once to the relief of the castle. They therefore redoubled 
their efforts, and Yoshimitsu was taken by storm ; so when the allies, 
20,000 strong, arrived on the banks of the Tosu-gawa, which crossed 
their line of march at a point within view of the castle, the Satsuma 
pennons waving, on its battlements told them that they had come too 
late. Chdsokabe' at once consulted a retreat, but he was overruled, and 
it was decided to offer battle the next day. 

The battle of Tosu-gawa, as it may be called, was hardly contested. 
On the left of the allies were the Bungo forces, while the right was 
occupied by the Tosa contingent. The Satsuma troops appear to have 
crossed the river and attacked the allies, and by feigning a retreat they 
drew the left wing, commanded by Otomo and Sengoku, after them. 
Having drawn them some distance in pursuit, they turned, and after a 
sharp struggle completely routed them, and drove them back in disorder 
upon the right wing. The latter, had held its ground during the whole 
day, but on the defeat of the left wing the Tosa leader was obliged to 
give the signal for retreat, and in carrying out this movement his son 
Nobuchika was killed, while he himself only escaped with a small 
remnant of Jiis men. After this defeat Otomo fled from Bungo, and the 
province was thus left at the mercy of the invaders. 

We thus reach the end of the year 1586, when Hid^yoshi's prepa- 
rations were approaching completion. The call for troops from 87 
provinces was promptly answered, and at the appointed time 150,000 

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men of all arms had assembled at Osaka. .Provisions for twice this 
number and fodder for 20,000 horses had been already stored at Kokura 
in Buzen, the point where a part of the vast army was to cross the 
straits, and whence supplies would be drawn daring the campaign ; and 
post-houses for convenience of transport had been established along the 
whole route from Kiydto to Shimonoseki. Everything being in readi- 
ness, Hid£naga, Hid6yoshi f s brother, was sent in advance with the 
vanguard of 60,000 men, who consisted of levies drawn from Yamato, 
Eawachi, Idzumo, Awa, Sanuki, Mino, Tajima ancr Inaba. This force 
set sail from Osaka on the 7th January, 1587, and arrived at Yunoshima 
in Bongo on the 19th of the same month. There it was shortly joined 
by the two Chdshiu Generals, Eobayakawa and Kikkawa, with 80,000 
men, including a contingent furnished by TJkeMa Hid&ye\ lord of the 
three provinces of Bizen, Bichiu and Mimasaka, and the united forces, 
numbering not less than 90,000 men, advanced on Funai. 

Shimadzu appears to have shown no hesitation as to the course to 
be adopted. Probably the news of the extensive preparations which were 
being made by Hid6yoshi had reacted him, for otherwise it is difficult 
to understand why he should have retreated before an enemy numeri- 
cally inferior, abandoning his conquests in Bungo and elsewhere 
without a struggle. However this may be, he at once issued orders 
for a general retreat of all the Satsuma forces. Leaving his brother 
Iy£hisa to bring up the rear, he withdrew his army rapidly from Bungo, 
and almost before the allies knew of his having left Funai, he was already 
across the borders of Hiuga on his return march to Eagoshima. 


Hid6naga, on his arrival at Funai, heard of the retreat of the 
Satsuma army, and immediately hurried in pursuit. Crossing the Hiuga 
border unopposed, he overtook the rear-guard of the Satsuma forces 
under Shimadzu Iy6hisa close to the river Hira-kawa. On the other 
side of the sjaream was a castle of the same name held by a Satsuma 
garrison. It was late in the afternoon when the southern army, only 
10,000 strong, observed the approach of the allies, and the General at 
once moved his troops down to the river in order to contest the 
passage. But the Regent's brother was not disposed to risk an 

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engagement in which the advantage was so palpably on the side of the 
enemy, and he accordingly encamped on his side of the stream and 
waited for the morning. Stung by the taunts of the Satsuma men, 
who dared them to cross the river and shew what mettle they were 
made of, the young soldiers of the Imperialist army were solaced as 
they bivouacked that night by the thought that early on the following 
morning they would be able to cross swords with the foe. But they 
were baulked of their expectation. When day broke no enemy was in 
sight. Shimadzu Iyeiiisa had withdrawn his troops under cover of the 
darkness, and was far on the road to Sadowara. The news of the 
enemy's retreat soon spread, and the Imperialists, indignant at what 
they conceived to be a trick played upon them, broke up their camp in 
hot haste and poured across the river in eager pursuit. About midday 
an advanced guard of 800 cavalry came up with the retiring enemy at 
a place called Nokiguchi. A brisk engagement ensued, in which the 
attacking party secured some advantage, takbg several prisoners. The 
main body of the Satsuma army, however, maintained an orderly 
retreat, and continued its march to Sadowara without further molesta- 
tion from the pursuing force. 

Details are wanting of the exact route taken by the Imperialists 
after leaving Funai, but the proximity of that town to the coast, taken 
in connection with the absence of good roads at that time, particularly 
in such a mountainous district ad Hiuga, and the necoessity for a large 
force to avail itself of the best and most convenient routes, suggests the 
probability that the Satsuma army was retiring before the Imperialists 
along the high road which leads from the Satsuma territory along the 
sea-coast through Osumi and Hiuga, then traversing the provinces of 
Bongo and Buzen, terminates at Kokura on the southern shore of the 
Inland Sea. When only 18 miles on the road, the invading army found 
an inconvenient obstacle to its further advance in the shape of the 
Castle of Takashiro, which stood about 10 miles off the main road. The 
natural defences of this place were great, and it had been specially 
garrisoned and provisioned by the Satsuma Prince as he fell back on 
Eagoshima with his main army. Instead of detaching a force sufficient 
to mask this fortress, Hidenaga, contrary to the advice of several of his 
generals, — who argued that the dapger of leaving a hostile stronghold 

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in the rear would be more than counterbalanced by the advantage to be 
gained by a rapid advance on the Satsuma frontier, — sat down before it 
with his whole army and commenced a regular siege. The garrison 
made 'a stubborn defence, but 'the odds against them were great, and 
towers having been erected by the besiegers from which they could 
enfilade the ramparts, the defenders were forced to abandon the outer 
circle of fortifications. But this advantage was all that the besiegers 
could gain. One day after a general assault which had failed, when 
both sides were equally exhausted, a strange courier rode into the 
Imperialist camp with a .letter for Kuroda Yoshitaka, who was in 
command of a division posted on the south side of the castle, so as to 
guard the approaches from Sadowara. The letter was signed by Shi- 
madzu Iy£hisa, and stated that he was marching to the relief of 
Takashiro, and on the 28rd instant would offer battle to the allies. 
Hidenaga, on being informed of the challenge, did not consider it 
advisable to employ his whole army in meeting Shimadzu's threatened 
attack. He therefore told off 60,000 men for this duty, and remained 
himself with the remaining 80,000 in the lines before Takashiro. He 
also caused it to be distinctly understood that on no account were the 
two divisions to assist each other. Not being acquainted with the exact 
strength of the Satsuma army, the leaders of the troops selected to oppose 
Shimadzu took every means to fortify their position. Long rows of 
entrenchments were thrown up, trees were felled by the score, and 
the fallen trunks disposed so as to form barricades. Within these were 
erected towers from which musketeers could play upon the enemy's 
ranks while yet at a distance from the entrenchments. 

The Satsuma men, by their courage, physique, and dash, had 
inspired a wholesome dread in the minds of the mixed levies on the 
Imperialist side, and the leader of these latter felt that while they 
could individually rely on the devotion of their otm men, the army 
generally lacked that mutual sympathy and confidence which it was 
desirable should exist in the face of the military prestige of the enemy. 
Despite, therefore, the almost certain knowledge of superior strength, 
it was with grave doubts as to the issue that the Eiydto forces awaited in 
their entrenchments the attack which was hourly expected. We hear 
of Mdri, Prince of Choshiu, taking part in the siege of Takashiro, 

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GUBBINS: HID6Y08HI and the satsuma clan. Ill 

though when he joined Hid6naga is not quite clear. He appears to 
have* shared the anxiety of the Imperialist leaders, for on the evening 
of the engagement he secretly reinforced Kuroda Yoshitaka with a 
contingent of his own troops. 

At daybreak on the appointed day the vanguard of the enemy was 
seen approaching from the direction of Sadowara. 'Iy^hisa had received 
reinforcements since his retreat from the Hira-kawa, and he was now at 
the head of 80,000 men. His plan of attack was as follows : — First 
came a picked force of 8,000 swordsmen, who were directed to demolish 
the entrenchments. Behind these was stationed a body of cavalry in 
readiness to charge over the barricades the moment that practicable 
breaches had been made. In the rear of the cavalry the main body of 
the army was drawn up, while a force of 1,000 men was sent to assail 
the Imperialists in the rear. These dispositions were rapidly made, and 
the vanguard advanced to the attack with the usual Satsuma elan. 
At one point in the entrenchments the Satsuma leaders had recourse to 
a stratagem which was probably not uncommonly resorted to in those 
days, and reminds one of the tactics of the North American Indians. 
While busily engaged in repelling their assailants, the attention of the 
defenders was attracted by the figure of a man who, seated on a chair, 
appeared to be directing the movements of the attacking party. Conclud- 
ing that this must be one of the Satsuma Generals, a hot fire was 
proued on the spot. Five times was the object of this concentrated fire 
shot off its seat, and each time its place was promptly filled. The 
marksmen were congratulating each other upon the accuracy of their 
aim, when one, keener-sighted than the rest, discovered that the supposed 
General was nothing more than a straw figure placed in a conspicuous 
position in order to draw upon it the fire of the defenders. Meanwhile 
the assailants had effected a large breach in the entrenchments, and 
feigning a retreat they made way for the cavalry, who dashed in and 
made themselves quickly masters of this portion of the line of entrench- 

But in spite of the success of the Satsuma force at this point and 
elsewhere in the Imperialist positions where they had effected an entry, 
they were in the end worsted by a stratagem devised and executed by 
a young officer on the staff of Kuroda. At the head of 1,500 men he 

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made a rapid flank march so as to get between the Satsuma army and 
its line of communication with Sadowara, and all the way along his 
route he caused paper flags and streamers to be tied to the pine trees, 
allowing glimpses of horses* trappings to be seen here and there, so as to 
give the appearance, when seen from a distance, of an army on the 
march. So in the hour of their expected triumph, when the Imperialists 
were being gradually driven from their entrenchments, scouts came in 
in hot haste and reported to the Satsuma General that a large force of 
the enemy had outflanked them and was clearly on the march to 
Sadowara. Iy&isa looked in the direction indicated, and saw what 
appeared to oonfirm his scouts* reports. Recognizing the danger of his 
position if he were surrounded and cut off from Sadowara, he decided 
not to pursue his success an^ further, and gave the signal for an instant 
retreat. He was suffered to withdraw unmolested for some distance, but 
as soon as it was seen' that the retreat was made in earnest, the 
Imperialists dashed out of their entrenchments and charged furiously 
upon the retiring foe. At the same moment the Satsuma commander 
found himself assailed in the rear by the column whose successful 
execution of the stratagem above mentioned had turned the day against 
him. Despite his utmost efforts to retire in good order, he saw his 
troops gradually losing the steady conformation on which their safety 
depended. Outflanked, outnumbered, assailed in front and rear by an 
enemy whose strength was unknown, the retreat of the Satsuma army 
was only saved from becoming a rout by the gallant conduct of three 
chiefs named Ijiuin, Shirakawa, and Hirata. These brave fellows, 
seeing the confusion round them rapidly becoming worse, agreed to 
make a stand together, each with his band of devoted retainers. The 
leaders were the first to fall, but their followers, fired by their example, 
scorned to fly, and forming a half-circle round their fallen chiefs, 
prepared to dispute the ground inch by inch. Beading of the gallant 
stand made by these feudal retainers, we are reminded of the well-known 
description of the last fight on Flodden Field, where — 

" The stubborn spearmen still made good 

Their dark impenetrable wood 

Each stepping where his comrade stood 

The instant that he fell." 

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The long Satsuma blades did terrible execution, and for a time the 
advance of the enemy was checked. Bat the odds against them were 
enormous*. As their ranks were thinned and the enemy closed in on all 
sides, there was soon no room for them to use their swords. So the 
last man went down, and the tide of pursuit rolled over the spot thus 
bravely contested. But the Satsuma army was saved. The short 
respite had been all that was required, and with ranks reformed the 
Satsuma leader retired in good order on Sadowara. 

Details are wanting of the loss sustained by each side in this 
engagement, but it is a question *if the Satsuma army lost many more 
men than the Imperialists. The first part of the engagement was 
decidedly in their favor, and man for man the southern swordsmen were 
more than a match for their opponents. * Of the moral effect of the 
Imperialist victory there can be no doubt. To have proved that the 
southerners were not invincible was a great achievement, and the spirit 
of the allies rose in proportion as those of the Satsuma men fell. 

After this repulse of the Satsuma army- the Imperialist Generals 
again urged Hid6naga to follow up his success and march on Sadowara, 
but he refused to stir, alleging that his instructions were to wait until 
Hidfyoshi should take the field in Higo, when a simultaneous advance 
would be made on the Satsuma frontier. So the whole force reen- 
camped before the Castle of Takashiro and proceeded to starve out the 

It was the 22nd of January before Hid£yoshi left Osaka with his 
main army of 180,000 men of all arms, and as such a large force could 
not travel quickly, he did not reach Shimonoseki (or Akamagaseki as it 
was then called and is sometimes yet) till the 17th February. On the 
19th he crossed the straits to Kokura, where he stayed for four or five 
days. Here he appears to have held a sort of court, at which he 
received all the chieftains in Eiushiu who had declared against Satsuma, 
and here also Hidenaga and the other leaders of the Imperialist army in 
Hiuga came to meet him and report progress. Having assured himself 
of the loyalty of most of the chiefs of northern Eiushiu, Hideyoshi 
broke up his camp and proceeded to carry out his plan of campaign. 
The Generals of distinction under him were Kato Kiyomasa, Gamo 
Ujisato, Fukushima Masanori, and May6da Yasutoshi, whose brother 
▼ol. tui. 15 

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Yoshiiye* had been left to watch over the affairs of the Government at 
Kiydto, together with Tokagawa Iyeyasu, during the absence of 
Hideyoshi. The position of Yasutoshi seems, therefore, to have been in 
a measure that of a hostage. There was also a strategist, Hon 
Hidemasa, whose duty was to arrange the military details of the march 
and the disposition of the various contingents of which the army was 
composed. The route to be followed led Hideyoshi's army to the 
Chikuzen frontier. On the other side of the border lay a district hostile , 
to the Imperialist cause. It was held by Akidzuki Tan£zan£, a chieftain 
of some mark in Eiushin, who had been one of the first to ally himself 
with the Shiznadzu family. Before the army had gone far beyond the 
border, it came to the Castle of Ganz&ijd, occupied by *a vassal of 
Akidzuki. This place not Being of much importance, it was decided 
to leave a force to reduce it, while the main body moved on. But here 
a difficulty arose. None of the Generals would consent to be left 
behind for this duty. Accordingly lots were drawn, and resulted in 
the selection of Gamo Ujisato. The latter with a bad grace took up 
his position before the castle, and in a perfect samurai spirit he decided 
that it was no part of a gentleman's duty to sit down before a fortress 
and quietly blockade the garrison. He would therefore storm it ; and 
having ascertained that the garrison was not composed entirely of 
fighting men, but included several villagers impressed into the service 
of the defenders, he led his men at once to the assault. After a sharp 
struggle the castle fell, and no quarter being asked or given, the 
garrison was put to the sword. Three only escaped to carry the tidings 
to Akidzuki, who was in the castle of Oguma carefully watching the 
course of events. On hearing the news thus brought, Akidzuki was 
much startled, for he had calculated, on the castle holding out at least 
for several days. His first thought was to surrender without striking 
a blow, and he justified such a course to himself on the grounds that he 
was not originally a vassal of Shimadzu, but only became so by force 
of circumstances. On further reflection, however, he decided to defer 
his action until he had had an opportunity of estimating Hideyoshi's 
strength. He therefore made preparations to resist. 

How well Hid£yoshi had informed himself of the state of affairs in 
Eiushiu and of the relations between the clans may be gathered from 

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the address which he issued to his Generals confidentially as he advanced 
on Akidzuki's stronghold. "In Akidzuki," he said, " we have to deal 
with a man of considerable weight in Kiushiu, and especially in the 
province of Chikuzen. In submitting to Shimadzu he only yielded to 
superior force, and accepted the situation. The Satsuma cause has in 
him, therefore, only a lukewarm adherent. We must take our measures 
accordingly, and it would be bad policy in us to attack him vigorously, 
for then he might bo compelled to fight. Let us rather make a great 
display of our strength, and he will then doubtless submit without 

These instructions were carefully followed. The army advanced 
on the Castle of Oguma in an extended line, conches blowing and flags 
flying, and the defenders looking out over the plain and beholding 
nothing as far as the eye could see but the waving of banners and the 
gleam of armour, acknowledged that this was indeed a mighty host that 
had come up against them. Akidzuki and his son shared the general 
consternation, but to their surprise the large army whose approach was 
witnessed from the ramparts made no assault on the castle, but quietly 
encamped within bowshot of the walls. The same night Akidzuki 
evacuated Oguma and retreated to another castle. Hideyoshi forbade 
any pursuit, being confident that Akidzuki would shortly send in his 
submission. His opinion was justified by the result, for before two 
days had elapsed a herald arrived bearing Akidzuki's submission. An 
ancedote which savours strongly of romance, and is 'only one of a 
numerous class illustrating the genius of Hideyoshi and his military 
exploits, is told in explanation of Akidzuki's sudden resolution to submit 
to Hideyoshi. The latter, it is said, on entering Oguma found that the 
defences had been only recently thrown up, the work having been done 
with such haste that the finishing coat of white plaster had not been 
placed on the walls. He at once gave orders to cover the outer defences 
with white paper, which at a distance had the appearance of stucco. 
Early the next morning a scout sent out by Akidzuki from the neigh- 
bouring castle to reconnoitre returned hurriedly and brought the 
astounding intelligence that the defences of Oguma were nearly com- 
pleted. He himself had seen hundreds of workmen busily engaged on 
the fortifications, and so rapidly had the work progressed that already 

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the whole of the outer defences had been plastered. Akidznki was so 
thunderstruck at this proof of the energy of the Regent that he at once 
tendered his submission. 

His surrender was accepted, and with the wise liberality which 
distinguished his action during the whole compaign, Hideyoshi made 
-only one condition, — namely, that Akidznki Tanezane* and his son 
should follow the vanguard of the army on its march to Satsuma. His 
policy may be judged by an address which he issued to the army after 
the march south had been continued, and in which he rebuked the over 
eagerness of the Imperialist leaders to have a brush with the enemy. 
" Shimadzu," so runs the address, " has never yet been hard pressed. 
Although many .chiefs have submitted to us, there are still too many 
of his adherents in Kiushiu'to permit of our advancing hastily on the 
southern strongholds. Let us proceed with caution, and concentrating 
our strength, add to it daily by winning over to our side those barons 
who are vassals of Shimadzu. Then when Satsuma stands alone, like 
a tree shorn of its leaves and branches, we will attack and destroy the 
root, and our task will be comparatively easy." 

He accordingly remained for some time longer in Ghikuzen, and the 
result of his negotiations with the local chieftains and samurai was a 
daily increase to his forces (among those who flocked to his standard 
being a contingent from the monastery of Hikozan 4 ), and when he 
moved to Korazan in Ghikugo his army had swelled to a total little 
short of 200,000 men. At Korazan, Akidznki Tanezane* proposed to 
Hid£yoshi that while the latter should stay there to rest his army, he 
should employ the interval in making a secret expedition to Higo and 
Hizen, where he would endeavour to gain adherents to Hide'yoshi's 
cause among the local samurai, and thus prepare the way for the 
advance of the army. He added weight to his proposal by pointing out 
that there was considerable disaffection towards Satsuma among the 
samurai of those provinces, who were only waiting for an opportunity to 
open negotiations with Hid6yoshi ; they were as people who wished to 
cross a river but had no ferry-boat. Hideyoshi was much struck with 
the proposal. The views put forward by Akidznki were quite in 

4 Not marked in the maps. 

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accordance with his own policy, and in spite therefore of the urgent 
requests of his Generals, who sought to persuade him to order a general 
advance, he resolved to stay where he was and await the result of 
Akidzuki's mission. 

Akidzuki lost no time in making his preparations, and set out for 
Hizen attended by ap escort of 24 horsemen, leaving his son Tanenaga 
as a hostage in the camp at Korazan. In Hizen he easily effected the 
object of his journey. He found the samurai of two important districts, 
Mateu-ura in the north and Omura in* the south, favorably disposed to 
make common cause against Satsumfe, and by his instructions delegates 
were at once sent to the camp at Korazan to settle the conditions of 
alliance with Hideyoshi. In Higo it was quite a different matter. Here 
he had to encounter great difficulties, for the province was occupied by 
Satsuma in considerable force. It will be remembered that the army 
which had invaded Chikuzen retired into Higo when it gave way before 
the Chdshiu reinforcements which were sent to aid the Castle of 
Tachibana-yama. This army was now distributed in various places 
throughout the' province, forming the garrisons of Mamibe\ Aiko and 
other towns. The latter stronghold was held by Ijiuin Tadamune*, and 
the former by Niiro Musashi no Kami and Hayata Dewa no Kami, all 
three Generals of distinction in the Satsuma army. Rightly concluding 
that the movements of a well-known chieftain from another province 
could not be concealed from the army of occupation, especially at a 
time when the presence of an enemy on the border rendered the utmost 
vigilance necessary, Akidzuki resolved to take a bold course. Ac- 
cordingly he proceeded at once to the Satsuma headquarters, and 
concealing the fact of his submission to Hideyoshi, reported that the 
Castle of Akidzuki, the chief stronghold in his district, was being then 
besieged, and would surrender in a few days unless relieved. His 
hearers had no reason to doubt the sincerity of his representations, and 
the Chikuzen chief left, taking with him promises of speedy help to the 
beleaguered garrison. On his way back he opened negotiations with the 
local samurai of the districts through which the invading army would 
pass, and by dwelling on the irresistible strength of the vast host that 
would soon overrun Higo, and drawing comparisons unfavorable to the 
Satsuma rule, he succeeded in gaining many allies for Hideyoshi. 

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118 GtJBBINS: HID&YOSHI and the satsuma clan* 

Under the feudal system these local samurai played no insignificant 
part in the politics of Japan. It is easy to conceive that three centuries 
ago they formed a much larger proportion of the population than they 
do now, and were therefore a more important factor in the State. In 
those times of political disturbance, when the only right to possession 
was the power to hold, people had no inducements to adopt settled 
occupations, and the class of swashbucklers was naturally very 
numerous. Unable to maintain an independent position, these samurai 
were led by motives of self-preservation to attach themselves to 
the banner of some noble of the day. And as the fortunes of their 
patrons changed with the hour, when the ability to protect no longer 
existed they transferred their allegiance without hesitation to another 
quarter, and the master' of to-day became the enemy of to-morrow. 
They had thus no fixed political bias, but were time-servers of necessity, 
always trimming so as to be on the winning side. This was the case in 
Eiushiu at the period of which we are speaking. The civil war which 
had raged for so long in the southern island saw these samurai continu- 
ally changing their allegiance. As long as the Princes of Bongo and 
Hizen were able to hold their own against Shimadzu, they could always 
count on the assistance of several hundred blades wielded by men whom 
the guerilla warfare of the times had seasoned and inured to the hard- 
ships of a military campaign. • But with the establishment of Satsuma 
supremacy these sworded gentry quickly deserted the fallen fortunes of 
their former patrons, and declared themselves vassals of the ruling 
powers of the day. During the short period that Euishiu lay at the feet 
of Shimadzu, he had no more obsequious adherents than these local 
samurai, whose policy could so conveniently adapt itself to circum- 
stances. But the arival of Hideyoshi at the head of a powerful army, 
and the simultaneous retreat of the Satsuma forces were the signal for 
an immediate defection from the Satsuma cause. The Satsuma crest 
was hastily exchanged for the Imperial insignia, and the lately obedient 
vassals awaited with eagerness the arrival of the great force which was, 
to quote their own words, " to free them from the yoke so recently 

When, therefore, Niiro and Ijiuin, believing the statements of Akidzuki, 
called upon the samurai of the various districts in the north of Higo to -help 

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them raise the siege of the Castle of Akidzuki, few came forward in response 
to the appeal, and from most the astonishing reply was sent that the 
samurai in question were allies of the great General Hideyoshi. Nor 
was this disaffection confined to one or two districts. Rumours of 
seditious movements reached them from all sides, and it needed no 
sagacity to perceive that at the first opportunity a general rising would take 
place against the Satsuma Clan. There was every reason, therefore, for 
the Generals to concentrate their forces while they were able to do so. 
This they did, and evacuating the two castles they had been holding up 
to that time, they fell back towards the Satsuma frontier. The movement 
was made none too soon, as the event proved. The samurai of the 
south of Hizen, anxious to shew zeal in the cause of their new ally, fitted 
out an expedition, and landing in Higo, laid seige to the town of Yatsushiro. 
The retreat of the Satsuma army was hastened by this news, and the 
Generals in command hurried to the relief of the garrison. On their 
march they were much harassed by bodies of Higo samurai, who rose 
in each district and village as soon as the Satsuma troops had left it. 
The garrison was relieved without difficulty, but the whole province was 
now up in arms against Satsuma, and in spite, therefore, of its stra- 
tegical importance, Yatsushiro was abandoned and a general retreat 
became necessary. The army did not stop till it had reached Oguchi 
and was well within the borders of its native province. 

In the general rising against Satsuma among the samurai of Hizen 
and Higo, Hideyoshi saw a proof of the success of Akidzuki's mission, 
and he accordingly gave orders for a general advance. Detaching two 
divisions under Fukushima Masanori and Katd Eiyomasa to reduce the 
two castles of Akaboshi and Eoshiro, which still held out for Shimadzu, 
he made a rapid march with the main army to Yatsushiro, where he 
halted. Both castles were quickly taken, and the forces detached 
against them joined Hideyoshi at Yatsushiro. 

Fortune did not favor the Satsuma arms elsewhere. The Prince and 
his son Yoshihiro were with the main army in the south of Hiuga when 
the news of the blockade of Takashiro and the defeat of the force which 
had proceeded to its relief under Iyehisa reached them. And soon after 
they ' learnt that the garrison of that castle, despairing of succour, had 

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surrendered. Under these circumstances there was nothing for it but 
to carry oat their original plan, and they accordingly fell back on the 
capital, leaving Iy£hisa to establish himself in the Castle of Sadowara, 
and thus check the advance of the enemy through Hiuga. At Eagoshima 
more bad tidings awaited them, for they there heard of the withdrawal 
of the Satsuma army from Higo ; and in view of the critical state of affairs, 
it was agreed that a general council of war should be held to discuss what 
measures were best for the defence of the province. An order was accord- 
ingly sent to Oguchi (to which place it will be remembered the Higo 
army had retired) to summon the Generals to attend the council. The 
receipt of this order led to a spirited discussion between the commanders. 
Ijiuin suggested that the order was imperative and that the army must 
be at once withdrawn to Eagoshima there to await the result of the 
deliberations. Niiro, however, stoutly refused to move. " The army 
must stop here," he contended, "and dispute the passage of the 
Chiyo-gawa. No enemy has ever before crossed the Satsuma border, 
and never shall as long as I am here to prevent it. Po you go. I will 
stay." To this Ijiuin retorted that the enemy was not likely to arrive 
so very quickly, and that they would have time to return if the council 
decided to meet the invaders at Oguchi. " But," said Niiro, « the 
possibility remains. He may come, and if he finds no one here to 
receive him, of what use, think you, will Our deliberations be at Eago- 
shima — a hundred miles off? Hidtyoshi has a reputation for swift 
action in a campaign, and he may arrive at any moment. In warfare a 
General should be guided by circumstances — not only by his orders. 
My duty his here, and I shall remain." His arguments prevailed in the 
end, and Ijiuin and Masahisa proceeded to the capital, leaving Niiro on 
the banks of the Chiyo-gawa with his 20,000 men. 

No sooner had they left than Niiro crossed the river and took up a 
position on the other side. Being expostulated with on the way in 
which he had drawn up his army, with the river behind instead of in 
front of him, he replied that he had done so with the object of deceiving 
the enemy. " Hideyoshi," he said, " always goes to the root of things, 
and is accustomed to find a reason for everything. On seeing the way 
in which our forces are disposed, he will suspect the existence of some 
stratagem. His suspicions will be imparted to the Generals under him, 

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oubbtns: mpftYosm and the satsuma clan. 121 

and by them to the whole, army. His men will, through fear of a 
surprise, fight half-heartedly, and by a bold attack we can count upon 
defeating them." 

The Council of war at the Satsuma Capital was very numerously 
attended, and its members included every male relation of the Prince, 
for on such a momentous occasion, when none knew at what instant 
the enemy might not be reported on the border, or signalled on the coasts, 
it wbs fitting that the course to be pursued should be put to the general 
vote of the clan. The question at issue was whether the passage of the 
frontier by the enemy should be disputed, or whether the Satsuma troops 
should be withdrawn to some defensible position nearer the capital, 
where the issue of the campaign should be decided. After a short 
debate Niiro's plan of action was unanimously approved, and it was 
settled that Ijiuin should at once return to the Chiyo-gawa with 80,000 
men in order to cover Niiro's retreat if he were compelled to retire, 
while the young Prince Yoshihiro was to take up a position about eight 
miles to the north of the capital, where he was to await the result of the 
engagement. Ijiuin lost no time in marching back to the Chiyo-gawa, 
and. he was just able to inform Niiro of the assistance he might look for 
when the outposts reported the approach of the enemy. 

Hideyoshi was, as Niiro had predicted, nearer than was expected. 
At Yatsushiro he had been joined by Biuzdji Masaiy6, Prince of Hizen, 
who brought him in considerable reinforcements, and from that place 
he made a rapid march on Sashiki. Here he quickly collected a fleet of 
boats and transported his immense army by sea to the north-west of 
Satsuma, where it landed unopposed at the end of April. The ordinary route 
by sea would take the expedition to Akur£, and we shall probably not be far 
wrong if we accept the neighbourhood of that place as the point of dis- 
embarkation. Hideyoshi was now established in Satsuma territory. Leav- 
ing a force of 60,000 men in readiness to proceed by sea to Kagoshima if 
necessary, he pushed forward rapidly with the remainder of the army, 
170,000 men, and on the morning of the 26th of March he came in 
Sight of the Chiyo-gawa, and the Satsuma army, which was drawn up 
to dispute the passage. The position taken up by the Satsuma General 
will be understood by a reference to the map. It will be seen that the 
Kawachi-gawa, which is evidently the Chiyo-gawa of our history, 
tol. nu. • 16 

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122 gubbins: hid&yoshi and the satsuma clan. 

. traverses the province from east to west, falling into the sea near a 
place called Kiyodamari. This river forms a natural barrier to any force 
approaching the capital from the north. It was on its farther bank and 
close to the sea that Niiro was posted. 

That a force of inferior strength should prefer to fight with the 
river in its rear was a puzzle to every military man in the Imperialist 
army. To Hid£yoshi's mind it vfas capable of solution in only one way. 
The Satsuma leader, he concluded, must have some stratagem in 
reserve. But though he rode forward and personally reconnoitred the 
position, he could see no signs that any particular stratagem was in 
contemplation, and a careful inspection revealed nothing suspicious. So 
he gave the order to advance, accompanying it with a caution to the 
commanders to engage the enemy in separate divisions as their turn 
came, and on no account to allow themselves to be drawn into a pell 
mell encounter. 

On came the huge army, its two wings overlapping the flanks of 
the Satsuma force ; but when within half a mile of the river it stopped, 
and the leaders could be seen busily engaged in forming their men into 
the order in which the battle was to be commenced. Seeing the enemy 
apparently hesitating, Niiro gave the signal to his men, and at the head 
of 5,000 charged into the thick of the Eiydto army before it had time to 
reform its rankB. Thus taken at disadvantage, the resistance was feeble 
and the first line broke and scattered in disorder. Pressing on, Niiro 
engaged the second line, which consisted of the Hizen and Chikuzen 
contingents under Riuzoji and Akidzuki, and here again. the impetuous 
rush of the Satsuma men carried all before it. By this time the 
Satsuma leader was well into the centre of the Eiydto army, and flushed 
with his success he resolved, in spite of the knowledge that his men must 
be spent with their exertions, to make a dash for Hidfyoshi's standard. 
But before he could get within reach of this he had to meet and dispose 
of the flower of the Eiydto army, a force more than double his own 
strength under Fukushima and Katd. Niiro's men were tired; the 
troops they now met were fresh, and the issue of the struggle was not 
long in doubt. At the first shock the southerners wavered, and in a 
few moments they began to give way. When it was clear that they 
could not hold their own any longer, the 15,000 men forming the 

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remainder of the Satsuma force on that side of the river came to their 

assistance, and the action became general. The two armies soon 

became so mixed np that it was hard to tell -friend from foe, and what 

Hidtyoshi had wished to avoid was thus forced upon him. Bat though 

the skill of the Satsama swordsmen told in the hand-to-hand struggle, 

the superiority of numbers made itself, felt, and step by step the 

southerners were forced back on the river. In the height of the 

engagement, however, Ijiuin, who had observed the critical state of 

things from his position on the other side of the Chiyo-gawa, dashed 

across at the head of a picked body of cavalry and threw himself on 

the right flank of the enemy. While the Imperialists turned their 

attention to this new foe, the Satsuma leader profited by this diversion 

to commence a retreat across the river. But the enemy did not allow 

this movement to be carried out unopposed, and swooping down with 

fresh levies, the struggle recommenced* with renewed fury. Its chief 

incident was a personal combat between Katd Eiyomasa and Niiro 

Musashi no Kami, in which the latter, by the fall of his horse, was 

placed at the mercy of his antagonist, who generously refused to take 

advantage of the accident. The fight lasted till darkness set in, when 

the Imperialist Generals recalled their men, and the Satsuma army 

retired in a shattered condition across the river without further 

molestation. The victory, such as it was, rested with Hid£yoshi, for 

although the Satsuma men had held the river against superior numbers, 

their loss in the battle was heavier than that of the allies, and they were 

obliged to abandon their line of defence. 

The news of this ineffectual attempt to arrest the progress of the 

enemy travelled rapidly to Kagoshima, but the Satsuma chiefs, though 

discouraged, by no means despaired of success. The country through 

which the invading army had to advance was ill-adapted to the progress 

of a large force. TJftiat roads there were lay over high passes and in 

deep ravines, and they might therefore fairly argue that the superior 

knowledge of the . locality possessed by the defenders would render it a 

matter of no great difficulty to prosecute a guerilla warfare with every 

chance of success. But in thus confidently awaiting the 'enemy's advance 

they .were unaware that he had already taken means to obtain an 

intimate knowledge of the district which lay before him, and even of the 

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neighbourhood of Kagoshima. To explain how Hideyoshi gained this 
information it will be necessary to go back a little hi the history 
of events. 

The design of invading Satsnma and of placing a curb on her 
ambitious policy had been in Hideyoshi's mind some years before, and 
at that time one of the reasons which induced him to postpone his action 
was his ignorance of the actual condition of the province and of its 
geography. With the object, therefore, of acquiring knowledge on these * 
points, he had in the previous year enlisted the services of the chief 
priest of the Shin sect of Buddhists, a man named Eenniyo Kdsa. He 
was one of the few who, during the long struggle between Nobunaga and 
the priesthood, had maintained a successful opposition. Half monk, 
half warrior, as the times made him, he stubbornly held his own, while 
on every side monasteries were sacked and their defenders put to the 
sword, till at length his skill in the field and fertility of resource won him 
the respect of his opponents, and by a silent compromise he was left at 
liberty to devote his attention to the religious interests of the sect for 
whose independence and very existence he had laboured so strenuously. 
This was the man whom Hideyoshi had singled out to assist him in 
gaining information about Satsuma, and the result showed the wisdom 
of his selection. Won over, doubtless, by promises of rich endowments 
in the event of the enterprise being successful, the abbot was 
induced to proceed to Satsuma, — ostensibly on business connected with 
the religious affairs of his sect, — in reality to conceal a party of spies 
sent by Hideyoshi to learn the secrets of the province. There were 
several establishments of the Shin sect throughout Satsuma. One of 
these was in the small island of Shismjima,* within easy reach of 
Kagoshima, and in this, probably on account of its secluded position, 
and its proximity nevertheless to the capital, the abbot took up his 
residence. The dignity of his position was supported by a retinue of 56 
persons, which included two emissaries of Hideyoshi named Hirano 
^agayasu and Kasuya Kadzumasa. No suspicions, appear to have 
attached to his arrival. He was cordially greeted by the Prince of 
Satsuma, and busied himself with religious ceremonials and lectures on 
the mysteries of Buddhism. Meanwhile, under cover of their clerical 

• Not marked in the maps. 

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GUBBnre: hu>£yoshi and the satsuma clan. 125 

disguise and of the enthusiasm eyoked by the presence of so eminent 
an ecclesiastic, the spies circulated freely all over the province and 
made themselves intimately acquainted with its geography and the affairs 
of the clan. 

Hirano and his confederates had been absent for about a year 
when Hideyoshi opened his campaign, and from that moment their 
first thought was how they could leave Satsuma and communicate the 
result of their investigations to Hideyoshi. There were many obstacles 
in the way. In the first place they had come with the abbot, and 
having passed for members of his suite it was impossible for them to 
leave him without exciting suspicion as to their movements. And 
secondly, the prince, as soon as he had entered on the struggle with 
Hideyoshi, had issued strict orders prohibiting any one resident in 
Satsuma from crossing thfe borders. So they had to wait and watch 
the course of events. Beforo long, to their great delight, they heard of 
Hid6yoshi's triumphant march, and of his arrival at Kiyodomari, and 
recognizing the importance of their seeing him before he made his final 
move on the Satsuma Capital, they begged the abbot to leaxre the island 
at once and* proceed with them to Kiyodomari. Kdsa consented, and 
calling together the priests of the monastery, he signified to them his 
desire to return. He was not alarmed, he said, by the critical condition 
of the province, "but in the present unsettled state of affairs his efforts in 
the cause of religion were thrown away ; — he felt, moreover, that his 
presence was a source of solicitude to his parishioners, and he desired 
to relieve them of that anxiety by going away and waiting for quieter 
times. His wishes were at once complied with. As travelling by land 
was out of the question, owing to the vigilance with which the borders 
were guarded to prevent egress from the province, while it was also 
essential that their departure should be kept secret from the Satsuma 
authorities, it was arranged that the journey should be made- by sea. 
The necessary preparations were quickly completed, and. one dark night 
a small fleet of boats left the island unobserved and put out to sea, 
having the abbot and his suite on board and an escort of monks to 
shew them the shortest route. It had been agreed that the party should 
be conveyed beyond the limits of Satsuma, but the abbot persuaded the 
guides, much against their will, to land them at Kiyodomari. On their 

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arrival the spies at once waited on Hideyoshi, and explaining how they 
had succeeded in escaping from Satsuma, supplied him with the 
information they had collected daring their stay. 

Hideyoshi then called the abbot to his presence and thanked him 
for his assistance, but to the latter' s request to be allowed to return to 
Kiyoto he replied : — " Wait ; I have yet need of you. What you have 
done for me amounts after all to very little, for you were forced to leave 
Satsuma before your work was completed. But there is one way in 
which you can render me valuable service. I will not ask you to 
fight, — although men do say you are no bad hand at it, as Nobunaga 
found to his cost, — for I have no wish to hurt your feelings. What I 
desire you to do is this. I have formed a certain scheme for the proper 
execution of which a special knowledge of the locality is required. The 
monks of Shishijima who brought you here have that knowledge. I 
wish you to guarantee that they will obey my orders. Wtien I am 
satisfied of this I will communicate the details." The abbot, who had 
looked, distressed at Hid£yoshi's allusions to his military exploits, 
answered that if Hideyoshi would summon the priests of Shishijima, he 
would secure their acquiescence in any orders which might be imparted 
to them. The priests were therefore conducted to Hideyoshi' s presence, 
where, to their amazement, they heard from their abbot that they 
were to assist in the execution of a scheme which was devised by a 
hostile invader, and which had for its object the subjugation of their 
native province. But sectarian discipline triumphed over patriotism, 
and their consciences were doubtless satisfied when they replied : — " The 
commands of Hideyoshi are not binding upon us ; — those of the head of 
our sect we will implicitly follow." Thus assured of their obedience 
to the abbot, Hideyoshi clapped his hands, and at the signal a retainer 
stepped into the apartment, and unfolding a roll of paper read the 
following address : — 

"His Excellency Hideyoshi's intentions in coming to Eiushiu are 
not to destroy Shimadzu, but to restore tranquillity to the country, and 
to establish peace within the four seas. This is the reason why last year 
he sent a messenger to direct Shimadzu to repair to Kiydto. But 
Shimadzu disobeyed this order, and stirring up disturbances in Kiushiu, 
took pleasure in civil war, paying no regard to the interests of the 

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people. Consequently orders were issued by His Majesty the Emperor 
that Sfaimadzn was to be punished, and His Excellency was obliged 
to enter Kiushiu. Still even now if Shimadzu submit, His Excellency is 
mercifully minded to forgive his past offences, and although there is 
no present appearance of submission on Shimadzu's part, and he con- 
tinues to resist obstinately, His Excellency, in the exercise of extra- 
ordinary clemency, and in order not to waste more valuable lives in this 
struggle, desires to make a final effort to bring him to reason. You are 
therefore required to serve as guides to the army, in order that the troops, 
advancing by a secret road unguarded by the defenders, may take the 
Satsuma army by surprise, and forte it to surrender without further 
bloodshed. Say, 'good Sirs ! Will you, out of regard for the noble 
House which rules over you, and love for your abbot give your services 
as guides to the expedition and swear to act faithfully by His 
Highness? Your refusal will involve the clan of Satsuma and the 
Family of Shimadzu in common ruin : your consent will save the lives 
of thousands." 

The abbot supported the address in a few words: — " My friends, 1 ' 
said he, " do not the precepts of Buddha teach that evil is to be punished 
and good encouraged ? The men of Satsuma are obstinate and do not 
understand what is right. To turn them away from their evil ways, 
and place them in the right path is to do what the gods will approve. 1 ' 

Thus urged, the priests of Shishijima consented. " Certainly,?' 
they said, " we will act as guides, and Buddha shall see that we make 
no mistakes ;" — and they swore to be true to their promise. • 


Everything at this stage of the campaign was going well for 
Hidlyoshi. He had arrived within easy reach of the Satsuma Capital 
after an almost unopposed march through the island, his negotiations 
with the other princes in Kiushiu had succeeded beyond the most 
sanguine expectations, and his. relations with the local samurai and their 
leaders were satisfactory ; he had met his spies and learnt from them 
the result of their investigations into the internal condition of Satsuma, 
guides were at hand to assist in the final advance on Eagoshima, and 
now he received further encouragement in the arrival at the camp at 

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128 oubbins: hidAyoshi and the satsuma clan. 

Taihegi of his brother the Dainagon Hidenaga, who brought with him 
as prisoner Shimadzu Nakatsukasa no Taiyu Iy&iisa. This Satsuma 
General, it will be remembered, was last heard of as defending the 
Hiuga border. After the battle of the Mimi-gawa and the fall of 
Takashiro, he fell back on Sadowara and maintained himself in that 
castle in spite of the utmost efforts of the besiegers. The fortress was 
strong and well provisioned, 'so Iy6hisa had nothing to fear on this 
score ; and if he had heard nothing of what was happening in other 
parts of Kiushiu, he would probably have continued to hold out. But 
having no reverses to conceal, the besiegers took care to keep him 
acquainted with everything that passed. He heard in this way how 
the Satsuma troops had been driven out of Higo and Hizen, of the 
triumphant march of Hideyoshi, and of the enemy's unopposed 
occupation of Satsuma territory ; and as each fresh piece of intelligence 
reached him he fumed and fretted until his position became intolerable. 
Sadowara was the last stronghold in Hiuga which held out for 
Satsuma. The enemy was all round him, had crossed the border and was 
harrying the Satsuma homesteads before his eyes. In this extremity 
he resolved to yield, in the hope of finding some opportunity later on to 
escape to Satsuma territory with a portion, if not the whole, of his force. 
He therefore sent a message to Hidenaga offering to surrender, adding 
that if his surrender were refused, he would lead his men out, and die 
fighting in the ranks of the besiegers. The offer took Hidenaga by 
surprise. His knowledge of the resources of the garrison, and of the 
fighting qualities of their commander, made him doubt its sincerity. 
But at the council of war which was held to consider, the proposal, the 
arguments of Kobayakawa Takakag6, the General on whom Hidenaga 
chiefly relied, were convincing. He pointed out that whatever designs 
Iy£hisa might have, from the moment of his surrender they could be 
frustrated by the exercise of ordinary vigilance. The fall of the castle 
would enable them to advance and join Hideyoshi, and it would be 
a lasting disgrace if they were to remain inactive under the walls of 
Sadowara whilst Hideyoshi fought his way into the Satsuma capital. 

So Iy£hisa's offer was accepted. Hostages were sent to the camp 
of the Imperialists, and mustering his garrison for the last time, he 
opened the gates of Sadowara and came out to meet Hidenaga. The 

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gubbins: HID6YOSHI and the satsuma clan. 129 

castle was at once occupied by the Imperialists, and Hid£naga harried 
off to Hideyoshi's camp to present his prisoner. Shortly after their 
arrival Iye*hisa was summoned to the Regent's presence, and met the 
fetter's remark that he had not shown his reputed sagacity in delaying 
his submission so long, with an offer to go to Kagoshima and persuade 
the prince to surrender. This startling proposal was received with 
derision and indignation by Hideyoshi's Generals. One and all declared 
their belief that it was but a ruse to regain his liberty : if the bird was 
let go it would never return to its cage. But Hideyoshi, much to their 
surprise, took a different view of the case. " You speak like a soldier," 
he said. " Go and endeavour to bring Yoshihisa and Yoshihiro to us. 
If you cannot induce them to surrender, return and prove the falseness 
of the suspicions cast on your good faith." 

Iy£hisa started on his errand, overjoyed at having regained his 
liberty of action so easily, being attended only by a body-guard of 20 men. 
Travelling rapidly, he reached his nephew's camp near Kagoshima, and 
the two proceeded together to the capital. There a secret conference 
was held between the three leading men of the Satsuma clan. Iy6hisa 
was prepared to be received with reproaches, and hastened to explain 
the reasons for his surrender. In his isolated position at Sadowara he 
was powerless. All his communications were cut off by the enemy, and 
the Higo samurai, following at the heels of the invaders, had poured into 
Hiuga and aggravated the position. For if by any chance the bearer of 
a despatch succeeded in running the gauntlet of the besieging forces, 
he was sure to be intercepted by one or other of these hostile bands. 
Under these circumstances he decided to surrender, trusting to have an 
opportunity of communicating with his toother, and learning his plans, 
in order to be able, to further their execution. This opportunity he had 
now got, and he was there to hear from the lips of his prince what his 
arrangements for the defence of the capital were. " But why desert 
your men ?" interrupted the prince. " Had I no .care for their lives I 
should have fought my way out of Sadowara," was the reply. " My 
men are with Hideyoshi, and I shall rejoin them* when my business here 
is finished." He then, listened attentively while the prince and his son 
retailed the plan by which he hoped to lead the Imperialist army into 
an ambush aa soon as it crossed the river. The road on the 
vol. vra. 17 

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Kagoshima side of the Chiyo-gawa* led through a thick forest, and for 
some miles was nothing hat a bridle path. It then suddenly widened, 
opening on to a broad lerel meadow; from this point the road as 
suddenly narrowed again, and led over a succession of passes, till it 
finally debouched on to the plain where Yoshihiro had taken his stand 
with the bulk of the Satsuma army. The invading army was to be 
suffered to cross the 'river without molestation. It was then to be 
decoyed into the narrow path by advanced bodies of skirmishers, who 
were to offer sufficient resistance to lead the enemy to regard them as 
placed there to harass their line of march. Meanwhile a large force 
was to lie in ambush on each side of the road, whilst a third body was 
stationed on the other side of the broad opening in the middle of the 
forest. At a given signal, when the Imperialists had advanced as far as 
they were to be permitted, the brush was to be fired on all sides, — for 
which purpose bundles of faggots ready cut and dried were already 
stacked in different places, — the party in ambush would dash in on 
the extended line of the Imperialists, and the enemy, surrounded on all 
sides and blinded by the smoke, would be caught in a trap from which 
no escape was possible. This plan, if properly carried out, was, in the 
opinion of the narrators, certain of success. Iy£hisa did not take such 
a sanguine view. . His experience of the Imperialist army led him to 
believe that the military discipline of the enemy would render such a 
plan difficult and hazardous in execution. Finding, however, that his 
brother and nephew were full of confidence, he agreed to help them to 
the best of his ability. "I will return now," he added, "and tell 
Hideyoshi you are deaf to all remonstrance. I will say that the castle 
is plentifully provisioned and can hold out for several years if necessary, 
and that you are prepared to fight to the Jast. In fact I will draw 
such a picture of Kagoshima and our army that he will be impatient 
to advance and try conclusions with such a stubborn opponent. The 
battle once begun in earnest, I will collect my men, and making a 
sudden onslaught on Hideyoshi, seize him and carry him prisoner to 
Kagoshima." His brother urged him to think of his own safety, and 
to consider whether it would not be better to forfeit his parole and fight 
in the army before Kagoshima. But to this Iy6hisa would not listen : 
" My word is pledged to return. I cannot break faith with our enemy ; 

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and as to safety, dangerous as it *may seem to be in the hands of the 
enemy, I am safer there than, anywhere else, and can escape when 
I like." 

The conference then broke up. Iy&isa went back to the camp at 
Taiheiji and Yoshihiro to his position before the capital to prepare for 
the final straggle which was to decide the issue of the campaign. 

Meanwhile at Hideyoshi's camp the various Generals were loud in 
condemnation of the poKcy which had allowed so important a prisoner 
to escape ; for so they called it, not thinking he would return. But the 
loader their murmurs, the firmer the confidence of their chief. " There 
may be more," he would say, " in Iy^hisa's submission than meets the 
eye ; but he is not the man to imperil the lives of his soldiers who are 
here as hostages. He most return and he will, — for is he not a valiant 
soldier of Satsuma, and one of the Shimadzu Family ? Let him plot. 
I will counterplot, and you shall see who will win. 

As we know, Iy^hisa did return, and redeemed his pledge. It was 
enough for him that he had kept to the letter of nis promise. That he 
•had solemnly agreed to be the bearer of overtures for the surrender of 
the clan, and had seized the opportunity to intrigue against his captors ; 
that by this misuse of his liberty he had grossly violated the spirit of his 
engagement, — these considerations weighed for nothing with the Satsuma 
leader. Treachery towards enemies was sanctioned by the morality of 
the times, and we may be disposed to view his conduct the more leniently 
if we reflect that throughout the double game he was playing his life 
was the forfeit if detected. It required no little boldness to follow the 
course he had adopted ; but Iy&risa was equal to the occasion. His 
report to Hideyoshi of the results of his «nission amounted to this : — The 
negotiations had failed ; both the prince and his son were obstinate in 
their determination to resist to the last extremity ; — it was in vain that 
he had represented to them that the very existence of the clan was 
imperilled ; he had been chased away with reproaches for disloyalty 
and cowardice. " It now only remains for you," Iy6hisa added, " to 
carry out your intentions." 

"Yes," said Hideyoshi; "I suppose there is nothing for it but 
to carry the matter through by force of arms. As you know the country 
you will do us the favor to precede the army." But to the amazement 

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132 gubbins: HID6Y0SHI and the satsuma clan. 

of all who hear J, Iy^hisa declined. * His refusal roused Hidenaga, who 
had throughout been loudest in his suspicion's of the prisoner's good 
faith, and he burst in with, — " According to the law of surrender, the 
person so surrendering is bound to make proof of the sincerity of his 
submission by fighting in the vanguard. It is strange that you decline 
to" follow this universal custom. 1 ' " You are probably right as regards 
general cases," was the answer, "but mine is an exceptional one. 
I surrendered simply in order to save my clan* and I have kept my 
word under circumstances which made it hard for me to do so. I was 
sorely tempted to throw in my lot with the rest, but I refrained, because 
I desire to save a remnant of the clan from the general destruction. 
Do not, then, urge me to commit the blackest of all crimes by 
fighting in the vanguard against my brother, my relatives and my lord. 
If you insist, you send me to my death ; for I shall not survive the 

• This appeal was not without effect, for-Hideyoshi at once excused 
his attendance on the vanguard. But as Iy£hisa withdrew, the com- 
mander-in-chief turned to his staff and said : — *' This is a dangerous 
fellow ; he is not like an ordinary traitor. To have charge of him is 
like making a pet of a tiger. He must be carefully watched, or we 
shall suffer for our imprudence." 

The Satsuma army under Niiro, Ijiuin and Tanegashima, to which 
was entrusted the* task of carrying out the plan for the defeat of the 
invading forces related to Iy^hisa during his visit to Eagoshima, lay 
within reach of the enemy ; the bulk of their forces being concealed in 
a thick forest a short distance from the Chiyo-gawa. Seeing an unusual 
movement in the Imperialist camp, which they interpreted as the prelude 
to an advance across the river, the Satsuma leaders made the necessary 
arrangements for the execution of their stratagem, and in obedience to 
orders *a body of 8,000 men under Tanegashima moved out in the 
direction of the hostile camp with the object of commencing a skirmish. 
The Imperialists, whom their recent successes had inspired with con- 
fidence, were quite willing to accept the challenge, and in spite of the 
cautions of their leaders some of the wilder spirits dashed forward and 
engaged a portion of the Satsuma force. Others soon followed, and the 
figtit became general. Tanegashima at once commenced to retreat, and 

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when reinforcements, sent by Hideyoshi to recall those troops already 
engaged, came up, the Satsuma men, in obedience to orders, broke and 
fled. The Imperialists dashed after them, and in the excitement of the 
moment, neglecting their proper duties, the reinforcing battalions joined 
eagerly in the pursuit. The forest was entered, and while some of the 
pursuers followed the path, others made their way as best they could 
through the brushwood. When the open meadow was reached, the 
Satsuma men, without attempting to reform, dashed across it and 
into another narrow path on the further side. Their pursuers, who 
were by this time without formation of any kind, followed them 
headlong till they were suddenly brought up by a barricade of logs of 
wood thrown across the path, and held by a body of archers, who met 
them with a shower of arrows. As they turned back in confusion the 
forest resounded with shouts and warlike signals, and it seemed to the 
bewildered Imperialists as if each thickot was alive with unseen foes. 
To add to their distress, torches were applied by hidden hands to the 
bundles of brushwood, and the smoke from the burning trees choked 
and blinded them. But the main object of the stratagem was defeated, 
for owing to recent heavy rains the brushwood would not take fire 
easily, and for the most part only smouldered. The Imperialists were 
thus able to retreat, thought not without loss. A sharp struggle took 
place in the meadow, where the retreating forces found a body of the 
enemy who had been posted in ambush drawn up to oppose them. 
Thanks, however, to the timely arrival of reinforcements under Katd, 
Fukushima and Gamo, the Satsuma troops were forced to give way. 
The southern Generals were for once humiliated by the failure of their 
carefully arranged stratagem, and with sinking hopes they fell back in 
the direction of the main army. At the council of war which followed, 
the Satsuma counsels were divided. Niiro, always an advocate for 
bold measures, proposed an immediate attack on the Imperialists with 
the whole effective strength of the clan, and this proposal found 
many supporters amongst younger and more enthusiastic officers. 
Others, however, foremost of whom was Ijiuin, argued that it 
was madness to offer battle in the open, when by simply acting 
on the defensive they had on their side the advantages of a know- 
ledge of the country and a choice of positions which were almost 

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184 gubbins : taH&Yosm and the satsuma clan. 

impregnable. These more cautious views were accepted by the majority, 
and accordingly the Satsuma leaders, in ignorance of the treachery by 
which they were to be taken unawares by a simultaneous attack on 
their flank and rear-guard, concentrated their troops to the north of 
Kagofthima in positions favorable to the defence of the main approaches 
to the capital. Yoshihiro took up a position about seven miles distant 
from the capital, and in front of him, and separated from the main 
army by only two miles, four divisions of 5,000 men each, under Niiro, 
Ijiuin, Tan£gashima and Machida, were posted at strong points on the 
hills to right and left of the main road. The prince himself remained 
in the castle with the remainder of his army. Leaving the Satsuma 
leaders to make their arrangements for the last stand against the 
invader, we will return to Hid£yoshi, who had completed his disposi- 
tions for the final advance upon Kagoshima. 

The end of the campaign was not far off. A force of 50,000 men 
was sent by sea to Shishijima, with orders to divide into two columns, 
and operate from the south against Kagoshima and any Satsuma army 
which might be placed to oppose it ; another force 78,000 strong, led 
by Hid£naga, was to advance on Kagoshima by the main road from the 
north ; while two lesser divisions under Katd, Fukushima and Kuroda, 
proceeded by two different roads leading across the mountains under 
the guidance of Kenniyo Kosa and certain of the priests of Shishijima, 
with orders to converge upon a point between the Satsuma Capital and 
the army of Yoshihiro. 

The forces by sea and land left on the night of the 21st April 
within a few hours of each other, and on the morning of the 28rd 
Hid£naga's army came in sight of the Satsuma outposts. The great 
force moved on until almost within striking distanpe of the enemy, then 
suddenly halted and waited, as if reluctant to begin the struggle. While 
the Satsuma leaders were hesitating as to what they should do, 
messengers arrived post haste from the camp of Yoshihiro with the as- 
tounding news that the main army had been attacked by a large force 
of Imperialists which had approached from an unknown direction. 
What had actually occurred was this. The fleet had sailed to Shishi- 
jima, and embarking again had landed the expedition on the mainland. 
The force thus landed having separated into two columns, commanded 

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respectively by Hirano Masayasu and Wakizaka Yasuharu, had 
advanced rapidly northwards, and leaving a small body to watch the 
Kagoshima garrison, had fallen upon the rear of Yoshihiro's army. At 
the same moment one of the two divisions which had advanced by the 
mountain roads, that led by Fuknshima, hearing the attack, poured out 
of the denies where it had lain concealed and closed in upon the 
Satsnma army with a wild shout. Yoshihiro, disconcerted by this 
attack from a quarter where he thought himself secure, and suspecting 
treachery, lost heart, and cutting his way through the enemy with 50 or 
60 horsemen, sought safety in flight. The other Generals followed his 
'example, while the army, left to itself, kept up an ineffectual struggle for 
a time and then laid down its arms. This catastrophe decided the day. 
Niiro, Ijiuin and the two other Satsuma Generals had meanwhile been 
assailed by the other Imperialist division under Katd Euroda, which 
had come over the hills, but thanks to the desperate valour of their men, 
and to the inaction of the large force under Hidenaga, which remained 
where it had halted, they were able to hold their own. Aware, however, 
of the perilous position of Yoshihiro, they determined to retire upon the 
main army. They fell back in good order, but the first step in their 
retreat was the signal for the vast host in front of them to advance. It 
poured down upon them, overpowering all resistance, and thus over- 
whelmed by numbers the retreat soon became a rout. Hotly pursued, 
the Satsuma leaders hurried back only to find the enemy in undisturbed 
possession of what had been the cainp of Yoshihiro. All hope was then 
abandoned, and commanders and men, mixed up in one common mass of 
fugitives, took to flight in the direction which' each judged to be safest. 

The Satsuma army was thus entirely dispersed, and nothing 
remained, before the invaders but the castle of Kagoshima. But before 
assaulting it, the Imperialist Generals communicated to Hid^yoshi 
the complete success of the operations and asked for instructions. 
These were at once issued, and were to the effect that each General was 
to occupy the ground that he had won, but on no account was any one 
to advance and follow up the success. 

Hideyoshi's campaign had been one continued success, and the 
Satsuma clan, whose pride it had ever been that no hostile force 
had ever crossed the borders of Satsuma, was reduced to the last 

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136 gubbins : hh>£yoshi and the satsuma clan. 

extremity, its armies dispersed and its Generals forced to seek safety 
in flight. Iy Lisa's position in the camp of Hideyoshi was very 
humiliating. Nominally he had submitted, but in his heart he had 
meditated' treachery, and the final catastrophe before Kagoshima, so 
unexpected and overwhelming, caused him the bitterest mortification. 
While allowed the fullest freedom of action compatible with his position 
as a prisoner, be was watched narrowly, unknown to himself, and 
during the events of the last few days he had had no opportunity of 
carrying out the rash project which he had proposed to himself. 
Hideyoshi was always attended by a strong guard, and the success in 
every action had been so decisively on the side of the Imperialists that 
Iy6hisa had never the chance which might otherwise have been afforded 
by the proximity of the struggle to the camp at Taiheiji. Shortly after 
the final defeat of the Satsuma army, Hideyoshi summoned his leading 
Generals to a conference, and he invited Iy6hisa to attend the council. 
When all were assembled, Asano Nagamasa — who, it is said, had been 
previously instructed by Hitfeyoshi as to what he should say — stepped 
forward and addressed the council as follows : — 

•' Sirs, our Generals have triumphed everywhere, and the destruc- 
tion of the House of Shimadzu is imminent. The head of that family has 
been treated with much forbearance, but he has resisted obstinately. 
It is therefore fitting that he should reap as he has sown, and my advice 
is, that Kagoshima should be at once attacked and destroyed. Its 
ancient stronghold once razed to the ground, the clan can never again 
hold up its head in Kiushiu, and the administration of the conquered 
provinces' will be rendered by so much the easier." 

The same language was held by Kuroda Yoshitaka, who urged that 
the object of. the campaign would not be effectually completed unless 
the caBtle of Kagoshima was destroyed. The latter speaker also 
touched on the fact that a prolonged delay before the Satsuma capital 
might give an opportunity for the execution of intrigues against 
Hideyoshi at the Kiy6to court. By the general hum of approval which 
followed these speeches, it was easy for Iy&iisa to see that the views 
thus forcibly expressed found favor with the majority of the council. 
He felt that his worst fears were about to be. realized, when Hideyoshi, 
who had listened attentively, made the following remarkable speech : — 

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tHJBBINS: HTOftTOSHI and the satsuma clan. 187 

"The course proposed by Asano and Euroda has certainly one 
advantage. Undoubtedly the destruction of the Satsuma clan would 
make the task of governing these provinces very simple. But I am 
averse to such severe measures. Were I, on the strength of a few 
paltry successes in the battle field, to put an end to a house like that of 
Shimadzu, I should feel shame even in my grave. In carrying out the 
Emperor's orders for the pacification of the country, at has been my 
endeavour to accomplish this end peacefully where possible. Now 
before the walls of Eagoshima I am animated by the same purpose. 
I am not waging a war of extermination, but wish to smooth the road 
of submission for the rebellious. When once Satsuma submits, her 
allegiance is secured for ever. The clan glories in its keen sense of 
honour, and would never furnish traitors to a cause it has once 

Even to those who have been able to trace the spirit in which 
Hid^yoshi conducted the campaign from the first, his liberality will 
appear surprising. To advance so far and yet not enter the rebel 
capital ; to have his enemy within his grasp, and yet not crush him ; 
to hold back a victorious army in the hour of victory ; — all this argues a 
forbearance and strength of will which few Generals in those days pos- 
sessed, and which we certainly would not look for to the feudal times 
of Japan. In his speech he doubtless endeavoured to conceal his 
real motives^ under the guise of extreme generosity and an honest 
admiration for a resolute enemy. These motives can only be explained 
by assuming that his campaign had shown him that the only guarantee 
for the maintenance of order and good government in Eiushiu, was 
the existence of some strong authority, bending, of course, to orders 
from the Court at Kiydto ; and in the same way he doubtless acquired 
the conviction that the House of Shimadzu, from its ancient connection 
with Eiushiu, and its real importance, was the best fitted to exercise this 
authority. He might crush the Satsuma clan, but what could he put in 
its place? Here lay the problem. He could not replace it by any 
family of equal influence and solidity, and unless a strong chain of 
garrisons was left to preserve order and enforce the authority of the 
Central Government — a system which would entail heavy expenditure — 
his withdrawal might be the signal for the beginning of a reign of anarchy. 
vol. vni. 18 

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188 gubbins: hid&yoshi and the satsuma clan/ 

It did not occur to Iy^hisa as he listened to Hideyoshi's speech, to 
enquire into the speaker's motives ; it was as much as he could do to 
realise the fact that the clan was to be spared if possible, and his 
conscience smote him for having- meditated treachery. When invited 
to attend the council, he saw no other motive in the summons than a 
wish to humiliate him, and cause him to suffer doubly by first hearing 
the doom of his clan pronounced, and later on, being a witness to its 
death struggle. We have seen how happily he was undeceived. Im- 
pulsive like all his clansmen, he was overwhelmed with conflicting 
emotions, and when the Imperialist commander, the man whose life he 
had plotted, turned to where he was sitting and expressed his belief in 
the loyalty of the Satsuma clan when once its pledges were given, in an 
agony of remorse the listener secretly vowed that he would further his 
generous captor's intentions with his whole energy. From that moment 
Iy£hisa was Hideyoshi's man. 

The council broke up, and Iy^hisa hurried off to see the head priest 
of the temple of Taiheiji.. To him the Satsuma leader, full of his new 
ideas, explained abruptly that it was in his power to save the House of 
Shimadzu. " Your sect," he said, " was the first to be introduced into 
Satsuma, and* Taiheiji is the ancestral temple of the prince's family ; it 
is therefore right that you should obey my orders." The reply was 
characteristic : — " To the prince this province owes its existence ; to the 
province, this temple ; my services are at the disposal cff my lord." 
"Good," said Iy£hisa; and he then explained to him Hideyoshi's 
generous policy, and his own wish to induce the prince to make terms 
with the conqueror. , " Go, therefore," he proceeded, " to Hid£yoshi, and 
ask him for permission to negotiate with the prince. You will tell 
Yoshihisa and Yoshihiro that you have Hideyoshi's orders to use every 
effort to secure their submission. Their pride may then be saved by 
the thought that they have not been the first to make overtures, and 
when they hear that I am safe they will listen to you." 

The priest waited on Hideyoshi, and obtaining the required permis- 
sion set out at once for the Satsuma capital. Besides the detailed 
instructions Hideyoshi had given to him, he carried a letter from 
Iyelusa to the Prince Shimadzu Yoshihisa. 

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gubbins: hid&yoshi and the satsuma clan. 189 

On the disastrous day on which the Satsuma forces had been 
routed in every part of the field, the young Prince Yoshihiro had fled to 
Kagoshima, where he awaited the arrival of the scattered remnants of 
his army. To his surprise he found that the actual loss in killed and 
wounded amongst his own men was but small. The attack had 
been so sudden, and the panic so complete, thfct both leaders and men 
had fled without striking a blow. That night the woods and hills in 
the neighbourhood held thousands of fugitives of all ranks, who, now 
that the enemy showed no signs of pursuing them, came creeping out of 
their hiding places into Kagoshima. The disbanded forces thus collected 
made a still formidable army, but the old spirit which had animated 
them was gone. Both leaders and men were utterly cowed, and 
recognising, therefore, the uselessness of attempting to make another 
stand without the walls of the town, the Satsuma Generals concentrated 
their troops in the castle. And as an attack might be expected at any 
moment, the garrison busied themselves in making every provision for 
a siege. Weak points in the defence were strengthened, fresh entrench- 
ments were dug, and the battlements were manned with the full 
complement of men. Bat, — and not for the first time in the course of 
his campaign, — the enemy showed no disposition to follow up his 
success, but lay quietly encamped in the captured positions. Three 
days had thus passed since the defeat before Kagoshima, and still the 
enemy had not stirred. On the morning of the fourth day, a scout 
reported that a slight stir was observable in the enemy's lines, and 
presently some sentinels, posted on the look-out, observed a procession 
of a few palanquins crossing the hills to the north of the town. 
Gradually, for it moved but slowly, it neared the castle, and to the 
challenge of the guard an answer was given that a messenger from the 
Imperialist commander-in-chief demanded an audience of the prince. 
With so small a following there could be no fear of treachery, so the 
gates were opened and the messenger admitted. Having entered, he 
stept out of his palanquin and announced himself as the head priest of 

Shimadzu Yoshihisa was prejudiced against the priest because he 
came from a place in the hands of the enemy, but he received him with 
the courtesy due to his rank, and learning that the nature of the 

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communication he had to make was private, led the way into an inner 
chamber, into which only his son Yoshihiro and the priest followed 

Seating himself and motioning the visitor to do likewise, the prince 
inquired his business. " I come," replied the priest, " seeking the wel- 
fare of the province." *'The welfare of the province," repeated the 
prince drily ; " please explain yourself." 

Thus urged, the abbot commenced a long harangue, taking for his 
text the " Will of Heaven," a common theme of Buddhist discourses. 
Man, he explained, has his duties to perform in this world, according 
to the class of life he fills, and though it might seem otherwise, all 
social ranks and distinctions are in reality the work of Heaven. Nothing 
in the world can be done without its influence ; man is but an 
instrument in the hands of Heaven. As instances in support of his 
argument, the speaker alluded to the rise of Nobunaga, his death 
by the hand of Akechi Mutsuhid£, the career of Hid6yoshi and his 
recent victorious campaign. In each case the hand of Heaven was dis- 
cernible. Heaven had willed that Hideyoshi should conquer Kiushiu, 
audit was not for the Shimadzu to withstand the decree of Providence. 
The speaker discoursed at length on this text, then skilfully shifting 
his ground, he appealed earnestly to the personal sympathies of his 
hearers. Of the widespread desolation caused by the long waged war ; 
of the family ties which must count for something in the forthcoming 
decision of the clan, he said nothing ; nor of the diminished revenues, 
scanty harvests, and suffering peasantry. But he reminded his hearers 
of their illustrious descent from Yoritomo, and the foundation of their 
family four centuries before, and dwelt with a touch of genuine pride 
(for he was a Satsuma man himself) on the glorious traditions of the 
clan and the proud position which it had achieved for itself unaided in 
Kiushiu. He concluded an eloquent appeal in these words : — " Would 
it be right, think you, to stake all this on an issue in which your 
chances of success are, believe me, as nothing ? Would it not rather be 
ingratitude to your ancestors, cruelty to your clansmen, and injustice to 
your posterity ? Be wise, therefore ; dismiss your pride, and negotiate 
for peace ; so shall posterity have cause to thank you and the shades of 
your ancestors rest in their graves." 

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There was so much sound sense in the abbot's address that the 
prince and his son hardly knew what to reply. And when they found 
an answer, it only betrayed the weakness of their position. 

For their objection that the clan was no longer in a position to 
sue for terms without lowering itself irretrievably in the eyes of the 
world the abbot at once met by pointing out that the first overtures 
had come from Hidtyoshi. Their pride could not therefore suffer on 
that score. As for their unwillingness to yield, — the feeling was a 
natural one : but even if they considered such a step wrong, the 
Shimadzu might surely be content to err in such good company as 
that of Mdri of the Ten Provinces and Chdsokabe' of Shikoku. 

The prince and his son were gradually won over by these arguments, 
and when the priest, who had watched his opportunity, gave them the letter 
of IyeUsa and explained under what circumstances it was written, the 
scale was turned in favor of submission. This resolution was at once 
laid before a general assembly of the clan, by whom it was approved, 
and nothing then remained but to arrange the details of the surrender. 
To guard against treachery it was decided that Yoshihisa should set out 
immediately for the camp of Hid£yoshi, where his son should join him 
if everything was found to be satisfactory. 

The party, travelling quickly, soon reached the headquarters of the 
Imperial army, and there Yoshihisa for the first time stood face to face 
with Hid£yoshi. He saw indeed a man — such as described in all 
chronicles of the times — of small stature and a weazened, monkey-like 
face ; but as our historian .tells us, " there was an innate nobility in the 
demeanour of the great General, and Yoshihisa was filled with awe." 

The negotiations between the two leaders need not detain us long. 
At the instance of Hid^yoshi, who declined to move in the matter in the 
absence of Yoshihiro, the Prince's son was sent for. On his arrival . 
Hid^yoshi communicated his terms. The territory of Satsuma was 
restored almost in its entirety, and was to comprise Osumi, Satsuma and 
half of Hiuga. But this concession was purchased by the deposition of 
the reigning Prince Yoshihisa, who was to abdicate in favor of his son 
Yoshihiro, and was to accompany Hid£yoshi on his return to the capital 
as a hostage for the clan. 

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142 gubbins: hh>£yoshi and the satbuma clan. 

The liberality of these terms astonished the Shimadzu Family, while 
it disappointed many of the Generals nnder Hidfyoshi, who had looked 
for a redistribution of the Satsuma territory, in which their claims 
would receive attention. 

A characteristic incident occurred on the return march of the 
Imperialist army. As the vanguard was defiling through one of the 
passes on the borders of Satsuma, they suddenly found the road barred 
by a hostile force, whose leader, advancing close to the front ranks of the 
Imperialists, announced himself as Niiro Musashi no Kami. With an 
obstinate fidelity to a failing cause which refused to recognize defeat as 
long as a handful of his men were still round him, he had taken to the 
hills on the day of the final disaster to the Satsuma army, and refused 
to join his clansmen in seeking shelter behind the walls of Eagoshima. 
While the negotiations we have described were pending, he carefully 
kept aloof, and as each day the arrival of fresh fugitives swelled the 
ranks of his small army, at the end of a fortnight he considered himself 
strong enough to take the field at the head of a force of 8,000 men. Of 
the course of events since his retreat from the field, when all seemed to 
be lost, he knew nothing, and he accordingly conceived the bold idea of 
marching to the border, there to He in wait for any portion of the 
enemy's army which might pass that way. It happened that he chose 
the very line of route by which the whole Imperialist army was 
returning, and thus further bloodshed was avoided ; — for on learning 
the actual state of things he saw the absurdity of attempting any 
further resistance and gave in his submission. He earned, however, 
the proud distinction of being the last Satsuma man who laid down his 

In closing our account of this chapter of Japanese history it only 
remains to notice an episode which illustrates the barbarity of the times. 
After the surrender of the Prince of Satsuma it leaked out in some way 
that the success of the movement by which the Satsuma forces were 
surprised and routed before Eagoshima was due to the assistance of 
guides. And as soon as the last soldier of the invading army had 
left the country, a searching inquiry was instituted, with the result that 
the part taken by the Shishijima priests was disclosed. The popular 
feeling, eager to find some scapegoat on which to avenge their 

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•humiliation in the late campaign, clamoured for the execution of the 
men who had been traitors to their province, and the poor priests of 
Shismjima and their parishioners were barbarously crucified. Nor 
did the Satsuma vengeance stop here. A decree was issued that every 
inhabitant of Satsuma, from the highest to the lowest, from the 
samurai down to the common pedlar, who belonged to the Shin sect of 
Buddhists must renounce his creed. Any who disobeyed this order 
were to be expelled the province, and those who resisted expulsion 
might be killed with impunity. The effects of this ill-advised policy 
are to be traced to this day, and the general repugnance to Buddhism 
in the southern provinces of Kiushiu is thus explained: 

It may be asked what action Hid^yoshi took on hearing of the 
massacre. He availed himself of a method of shewing dissatisfaction 
much in vogue among diplomatists. He protested. 

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r.> " i" 

. .* 


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APR 271881 

( 146 ) 


By C. J. Tabbing, Esq., M. A. 


[Read December 9, 1879.] 

The Taihd Rid, or Code of Taihd, is so called from having been 
drawn np in the second year of the period of Taihd, A. D. 702, which 
was the thirty-second year of the reign of Mommn Tennd, who reigned 
from A. D. 671 to A. D. 706. The text was supplemented by notes 
contributed by the judges and lawyers and other learned men in the 
spring of the 10th year of Tench6, A. D. 768, by order of the Emperor 
Junna, and authorized by the Imperial Government. Text and notes 
now form a work called Bid no Gi-ge, or Commentaries on the Law, the 
whole written in the Chinese in use among the Japanese of those times. 

The work is divided into thirty sections, devoted to as many 
branches of the law. 1 The section treating of the land system is called 

1 These sections are named as follows: Vol. 1 — Kuwan-irid (Official' titles), 
Shoku-in rid (Duties of officials), Kd-in-shoku-in rid (Duties of officials of the 
household of the Empress), Td-gu-shoku-in rid (Duties of officials in the household 
of the Heir-apparent to the crown), Ka-rei-shoku-in rid (Duties of officials in the 
household of officers of high rank) ; vol. 2 — Jin-gi rid (Dedication to the gods), 
Sd-ni rid (Buddhist priests), So rid (the Family) ; vol. 3— Den rid (the Land), 
Fu-yaku rid (Taxation), Gaku rid (Learning) ; vol. 4— Sen- jo rid (Official ranks and 
titles), Eei-shi rid (the Descent of the Crown and Dignities of royal or imperial 
persons), Kd-kuwarid (Meritorious fulfillment of official duties), Boku rid (Salaries) ; 
vol. 6 — Kn-yei rid (Court guard), Gum-bd rid (Army and frontier defence) ; vol. 6— 
Gi-seirid (Ceremonies), I-fuku rid (Official costumes), Yei-zen rid (Public works) ; vol. 
7 — Ku-shiki rid (Mode of addressing persons of rank) ; vol. 8— Sd-ko rid (Stores of 
rice and other grain), Kiu-boku rid (Stables and fodder), I-shitsu rid (Duties of 
medical officers attached to the Court) ; vol. 9— Ka-nei rid (Official vacations), 
Sd-Bd rid (Funerals and mourning), Kuwan-shi rid (Watch and ward and markets), 
Ho-bd rid (Arrest of criminals) ; vol. 10— Goku rid (Jails), Zatsu rid (Miscellaneous, 
including bailment, finding of lost goods, etc.)* 

vol. vni. 19 

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146 tarring: land provisions of the taiho rio. 

Den rid, or Law of Land ; but a few provisions relating to the same 
subject are found in the Fu-yaku rio (Law of Taxation), the Ko rid (Law 
of the Family), and the Sd-ni rid (Law of Buddhist priests). There is, as 
might be expected, a lack of logical division and ordering of the subject, 
which the writer of the present paper has attempted to remedy ; topics 
are treated fragmentarily in different places, which a modern author 
would have given a single complete view of at once. There are, 
however, indications of a highly artificial organisation of society 
having already developed itself, both in the ingenious and even minute 
classifications and distinctions found in the Den rid, and in the titles 
themselves of other sections of the entire work. (See Note 1.) 

There seems to be considerable doubt as to the amount of binding 
force possessed by the Code. It appears only to have had effect at any 
time in those parts of Japan immediately subject to the rule of the 
Imperial Court. The rise and progress of the Shdgunata must, therefore, 
have seriously restricted its authority.' However that may be, it is 
of considerable interest to jurists at the present day, as exhibiting the 
juridical ideas concerning property in land in vogue at that epoch. 
Theoretically, the law is still in force ; and it forms one of the subjects of 
study in the Law Department of Tdkiyd University. 

At the outset the principle is laic} down that the whole of 
the land is the property of the Sovereign, by whom different kinds of 
estates were granted out to different classes of persons. These kinds 
of estates were as follows : — 

1. Ku-bun~den, or wiouth-sliare-land. — This was granted to all 
persons of the age of five years and upwards in the proportion of 
two tan each to males and two- thirds of a tan each to females, except 
where the population was large and the available land of small extent. 9 
Even slaves received a share of ku-bun-den. Public slaves were entitled 
to as much as free men, but land in their hands was said to be fu-zri-den, 
i.e., it could not be sold or let to profit. . Private slaves were entitled to 

2 The tan is an area anciently 30 ho by 12 ho, now 30 Iw by 10 ; and 10 tan 
make one cho. In the present day ac/w is 12,000 square yards, and a tan 1,200 ; 
but the modern tan is not a measure of the same extent as the old one. One tan 
produced 50 bundles of rice, giving 6 shd of threshed rice, of which 2} bundles 
were paid as tax. 

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one-third a freeman's share, if there was sufficient land. 8 When granted 
oat the land had to be marked oat by bounds. This ku-bun-den was 
given for life only, and reverted to the Sovereign on the death of the tenant, 
A fresh distribution was supposed to be made every sixth year, called 
the han-nen or distribution year, corresponding to the limit of age 
qualifying to take ku- bun-den; but this provision was not literally 
carried out. In the first month of the han-nen the quantity of 
unappropriated land was to be reported. to the Dai-jo-kuwan or Central 
Government. In the tenth month the local authorities were to 
calculate the amount of land required and the number of persons 
entitled to it. In the eleventh month the persons entitled were 
called out and received their shares ; and the distribution ought to be 
finished before the end of the second month of the succeeding year. 
In the interval between the death of a tenant and the succeeding 
han-nen the land was held by the late tenant's family. In general it 
was necessary that hi-bun-dm 'should be granted near the residence of 
the grantee, even though he wished otherwise ; and on reversion the 
land had to be returned in one compact parcel. 

Where the land was sterile and did not give an annual crop, twice 
the regular amount was given, such land being called yeJci-den, or 
land cultivated by alternation. 

2. I-den, or rank-land. — This was granted to persons of rank 
according do their rank, as follows : — 

Ippon consisted of 80 cho > 

Ni-hon " • " 60 ' 

Sam-bon " " 50 « 

Shi-hon " " 40 ' 

Then came the denominations of persons of official rank, and their 
assignments of land : — 

Sho ichii received 80 cho 
JuicH-i " 74 " 

8 The following classification of persons is found incidentally marked out in the 
section of the Code which treats of the family (Ko rid) : Persons are divided into 
rid^min, or freemen, and semmin, or slaves. Semmin again are divided into 
kuwan-ho, rio-ko, a r id ko-nu-hi, belonging to the public ; and he-nin and shi-nu-hi, 
belonging to rio-min. 

Given only to persons of imperial, rank. 

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148 tabbing: land provisions of the taih6 bio. 

ShS ni-i received 60 cho 

Ju ni-i 


54 " 

Sho sam-mi 


40 " 

Ju sam-mi 


84 " 

Sho shi-i 


24 " 

Ju shi-i 


20 " 

Sho go-i 


12 " 

Ju go-i 


8 " 

A female of corresponding rank received two-thirds of a male's share. 

The above persons had kurai or £, i.e. rank. They generally held 
office also, and then received additional allotments of land of the next 
kind of estate., 

8. Shoku-bun-dtn, or land given as salary to persons holding office. — 
Here we come upon a distinction between office-holders as being either 
zai-kid, officers in the capital, or zai-ge, officers outside the capital. 
Lands granted to zai-kid were as follows : — 

The Dai-jd dai-jin received 40 chS ; the Sa-dai-jin and U-dai-jin 
received 80 cho each ; the Dai-na-gon received 20 cho. 

Lands were granted to zai-ge as follows : — ^ 

The governor of the da-zai-fu l fda-zai no sotsu) received 10 cho ; 
the next subordinate (dai-ni) received 8* cho ; the next officer (sho-ni) 
received 4 cho; the next rank comprised several officers 6 who each 
received 2 cho ; officers of the next rank 6 received each 1 cho 6 tan ; 
officers of the next rank 7 received each 1 chd 4 tan 9 after whom came 
the Rei-shi with 1 cho and last the Shi-m, who received 6 tan. 

Then came the governors of provinces (kami), who received shares 
according to the class to which their province belonged. 8 

* The da-zai-fu was the province now called Chiknzen in Kiushiu. The duties 
of the governor (da-zai no sotsu) were chiefly connected with the naturalization of 
foreigners and the defence of the southern part of the empire. It was a sort of 
army, navy, and foreign department. The cits' D*-*ai-fu was situated in Tsukushi, 
near the modern Hakata, in the northeast of Kiushiu. Vide the Shoku-in rid, 
vol. X of the Code. 

6 Dai-kuwan, Sho-kwwan, Dai-han-ji (chief justice)- 

6 Dai-ku, Sfc6-fczn-ji ((puisne justice), DaUten, Bbyinnokami (head of the 
1 tensive army), hamu-tsukai (servant of the gods), hak*$e (professor, teacher). 
P r * Stolen. 
wer As to the classification of the provinces vide the Shoku-in ri6. 


tabbing: land provisions of the taiho bio. 149 

Governors of tai-koku received 2 cho 6 tan. 

" " jd-koku and assistant governors of tai-koku 2 cho 2 ton. 
" " cAw-fofo " " " " jd-koku 2 cto. 

" " ka-koku and the executive officers of tai-koku and jd-koku 
received 1 chd 6 tan. 

Governors of gun or &ort (divisions of provinces) again received 
shares according to a classification of those officers themselves into (1) 
dai-rio, or head, who received 6 cho; (2) sho-rio, who received 4 cho; and 
(8) shusei, or clerk, and shu-chd or keeper of the records, who 
received 2 cho each ; hut if the village in which the officer resided was 
small, these shares abated. 

The principle of granting lands as salary for official duties was 
carried to the extent of endowing post-towns along the roads with lands 
to defray the expenses of supplying coolies and horses for government 
use. These lands were called yeki-den* or post town lands, and were 
apparently a variety of shoku-bun-den. These lands were granted to 
post-towns on a scale according to the class of road upon which the towns 
were situated. Thus post-towns along roads classed as dai-ro received 
4 cho ; along roads classed as chiu-ro, 8 cho ; along roads classed as 
sho-ro, 2 chd. • # 

4. Ko-den, or land granted for public merit. — Tai-ko was granted for 
the highest public merit and was given in perpetuity ; jo-ko was granted 
for high public merit, and was held to the third generation ; chiu-kd was 
granted for medium public merit, and was retained only to the second 
generation ; ka-ko was granted for the lowest recognized public merit, 
and only descended to a son or daughter. 

Land of this nature (kd-den) was only to be given to a man in the 
place to which he belonged, if there was land there in sufficient 
quantity, unless the Emperor named a particular piece of land elsewhere. 

If a person entitled .to i-den died before he came into possession of 

9 This is a different word, though bearing the same sound, from the name 
given to the double share of ku-bun-den granted on account of sterility. The 
two words are both Chinese but have different meanings, and are represented by 
different characters. 

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150 tabbing: land provisions of the taiho bi6. 

his entire estate, only that portion descended to his heirs which the 
ancestor had actually taken possession of, which might he none at all. 
In the case of ko-den, however, the heir in such a case was entitled to the 

5. Shi-den, which teas an estate created by the especial edict of the 
Emperor.— 11 in any part of a province (kuni or koku) the land was 
insufficient to give a proper share to each person (such a part of the 
country being called kiyo-kiyo), the deficiency might be made up 
out of a distant part of the same province where the land was 
sufficient in quantity (such part being called kuwan-kiyou). 

A certain quantity of land was retained in the Go-ki-nai (the five 
home provinces) for direct government purposes. This was called 
kuwan-den. Thirty cho was so retained in Yamato and Settsu, and 
twenty cho in Eawachi and Yamashiro. One head of kine 10 had to be 
fed on every two cho, and tended by a house exempt from the burden of 
public labour. (See below, Kuwa-yeki). Kuican-den was under the 
immediate control of the Ku-nai-shd, or office of the Imperial Household, 
by which the crops were regulated, and a report made to the Dai-jd- 
kuwan, that the necessary number of workmen might be furnished. 

A particular denomination is given in the Code to land devoted to 
the cultivation of mulberry (Icuwa) and lacquer (urushi) trees. Such 
land" was called on-chi y and was granted out to the families of a village, 
and only reverted to the sovereign if the family died out. But it was 
transferable from one family to another. The families in a village were 
distinguished according to the number of their members as jo-ko, chiu-ko f 
ka-ko. Jo-ko families receiving on~chi had to plant 800 mulberry trees 
and 100 lacquer trees ; chiu-ko families had to plant their on-chi with 200 
mulberry trees and 70 lacquer trees ; while ka-ko families had to plant 
100 mulberry trees and 40 lacquer trees. These trees were to be planted 
within five years of the grant, unless the land was unsuitable or not ex- 
tensive enough. The amount of the shares would depend on the extent 
of the village, and newly formed families became entitled like old ones. 

Transfers of building land \taku-chi) 11 had to be notified to the local 

10 Ushi no itto, exactly rendered. 

11 Taku-chi signifies the land upon which a dwelling was built, together with 
the curtilage, but exclusive of the dwelling itself. 

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tarring: land provisions of the taiho Rid. 161 

authorities and their consent obtained. But dwellings or warehouses, 
apart from the land on which they were built, might be trans- 
ferred without notification. This provision also applied to on-chi, and 
to land brought under cultivation by the owner's own labour. If a man 
went to a foreign country and did not return, his ku-bun-den reverted to 
the Emperor, unless he left relations in the country within the fifth 
degree of consanguinity living in the same household, in which case the 
land was assigned to them for ten years from motives of clemency. 
I-den .and shi-den were subject to the same rule ; but not sholm-bun-den, 
in which case probably the office to which the land was annexed was 
filled up in a short time, and the shoku-bun-den went to the new 
incumbent. In the case of hu-bun-den the original owner received his 
land or an equal amount back on returning within the ten years. 

If a land-owner died in the Emperor's service, e.g.. in war, his 
land went to his son or daughter, but not to any other surviving 

Any man might lease his land for one year only, unless it was 
. on-chi, when he could lease it for any time or sell it outright. But in 
each case the consent of the local authorities was necessary. 

When different persons held lands in intermixed portions, they 
might apply to the local authorities and have the land redistributed in 
proportionate entire parcels, a record of the transaction being kept. 

If a river changed its course, the occupier of the land over which 
the new channel was formed 'was at liberty to take that part of the old 
bed left dry. If ku-bun-den was practically lost to the grantee by reason 
of floods, etc., it was resumed in the han-ne% (or distribution year), and a 
new share granted out. This rule did not apply to lands belonging 
to religious bodies, which were called fu-zei-den f land exempt from 
taxation. 12 

In deciding as to priority of receipt of land, an order was followed 
which was based upon a combination of three classifications of families 
into — 

(1) Kuwa-ko and fu-kuica-ko, or taxable and untaxed ; 

11 This word fu-zei-den is the same as is used with reference to the share of 
public slaves in ku-bun-den. In both cases the word implies that the land could 
not be made a profit of. • 

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152 tabbing: land provisions of the taih6 ri6. 

(2) Those possessing and those not possessing any land ; 
(8) Rich and poor. 

The order then was as as follows : 

1. Kwva-ko, and of them : 

(a) those that had no land ; 

(b) those that had a little ; 

( c) the poor ; 

(d) the rich. 

2. Fu-kuwa~ko, and of them : 

(a) those that had no land ; - 

(b) those that had a little ; 
-(e) the poor; 

(d) the rich. 

No person possessed of land was allowed to give or sell it to a 
temple. 18 

Land, either public or private, 14 which had been abandoned for three 
years on more, would be lent to any one making application for it ; and . 
it would be no objection that such land was situated in a distant gun. 
Private land so lent had to be returned to the owner after three years' 
enjoyment ; public land was returned to the government after six years ; 
but if at the end of the six years the temporary tenant had not yet 
received an allotment of ku-bun-den, public land cultivated by him 
would be assigned in part or entire satisfaction. 

The officers of any province were allowed to cultivate unoccupied 
land in their province, if there existed any, during their term of office on 
application to the government. 

On a dispute arising as to land, crops sown before go to the 
tenant in possession ; crops sown subsequently went according to the 
judgment. Similarly as to manures, compensation was given or not 
according as to whether they were laid down before or after. 

Crops sown by the zai-ge officers on their shoku-bun-den go to them 

u An early instance of a law of Mortmain. 

u I-den, thi-den and hthbun-dcn was called private land: all other kinds of 
land were public land. 

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on their leaving office and giving up the land to their successors. The 
outgoing tenant also received compensation for labour expended on the 

In the Fu-yaku rid, the section relating to taxation, there are found 
the following provisions concerning land : — 

When a crop was injured by worms, frost, etc., the family owning 
the land was exempt from taxation that year in the following propor- 
tions, viz.: — 

(a) When the crop was injured to the extent of one-half or more 

(go bu, 5 parts, i.e. out of 10), the tax on the land was remitted. 

(b) If the injury was to the extent of 70 per cent (shichi bu, 7 

parts out of 10), all miscellaneous taxes, such as the produce 
of mulberry and lacquer trees, were remitted. 

(c) When the injury was 80 per cent (hachi bu, 8 parts) and 

upward, all kuwa-yeki (personal services) were remitted. 

Kuwa-yeki was compulsory service by all males who attained majority 
for 80 days in the year; and two minors, or ji-tei, were considered equal 
to one person of full age, so that each minor was required to serve for 
15 days. At 66 years of age the liability ceased. 

The nature of these services may be gathered from the provisions 
enacted with respect to them. Thus the labourers were to be allowed 
to rest between 12 noon and 4 in the afternoon during June and July : 
they were not to be made to work at night : if the labourers fell sick, 
or it rained, so that they could not work out of doors, they were only 
allowed half rations; but if the services did not require exposure to 
weather, work was to be continued even during rain, and full rations 
were to be supplied. If labourers were taken ill on their way to the 
scene of their labours, they were left in the care of the local authorities 
and fed out of the public funds. If they died, a coffin was to be furnished 
out of the public funds ; and if no one claimed the body, it was to be 
burnt and the ashes buried by the wayside and a mark set up. But the 
remains were to be given up to any relative or friend who had a right 
to apply for them* 

The following cases of exemption from kuwa-yeki were allowed : 
Father, grandfather, brother, son and grandson of persons of the 

VOL. VIII. 20 

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154 ' tabbing: land provisions of the taih6 bi6. 

rank of sam-mi (the third class of official rank) and above ; father and 
son of go-i (fifth class of official rank) and above ; all persons of royal 
blood ; persons infirm, or seriously ill, or deformed ; females ; slaves. 

These labourers were all under the superintendence of the koku-ski, 
er governor of the province, when at home. At the place of service an 
officer called Dan-jo- tai u was charged to keep order. 

In the Eo rid, or section treating of family law, the following in- 
teresting provision is found. Every five houses were united for purposes 
of common security into a community called go-ho. If a man became a 
fugitive, his hi-bun-den was kept and cultivated as before by the go-ho*or 
his relations within the third degree for three years. At the end of 
that time, if he did not return, it reverted to the Sovereign. 

In this section too there are some rather elaborate rules as to in- 
heritance. Inheritable property is described as slaves, land, houses, and 
personal property (shi-zai). Ko-den (land granted for public merit) is to 
be divided equally among both male and female relations. As to the rest 
the ruleB are as follows : — 

The mother (chaku-bo), 

the step-mother (Jcei-bo), • each received 2 parts ; 

and the eldest son (chaku-shi), 

the younger sons (sho-shi) received one part each ; 

the concubine (sho) 

and the female children 

received one-half part each ; 

Children of sons, including adopted children, represent their father, 
a female child taking half the share of a male child ; but if all the sons 
died, all their children took per capita. 1 * Children of daughters did not 
represent their mother. 

Property belonging to a wife on her marriage is not included in the 

u A kind of police prefect. The office existed, in name at least, till nine years 
ago, when it was absorbed in the Shi-lw-shd or judicial department. 

M Sir Henry Maine, in his Early History of Institutions, p. 328, points out 
the significance of succession per capita as marking an earlier stage of law 
than succession per stirpes. Here we seem to see a transition in process from one 
form of succession to the other. ' 

Digitized by 


tabbing: land pbovisions of the TAmd Bid.' 155 

The widow or concubine of a son of the deceased received that son's 
share if there were no children. 

If the deceased left a sister or niece remaining in the house, they 
took a half share of the grandchildren, even if they were married, 
unless they had received a portion. If a man died without male issue* 
the widow or concubine represented her husband. But if a son 
succeeded to his father's share, he was obliged to allow his widowed 
mother during her widowhood to enjoy the property jointly with him. 

The above rules as to distribution did not apply to the kind of 
estates called ko-den, which was divided amongst all the children, male 
and female, in equal shares. 

When members of a family agreed to live together and to eqjoy 
the property jointly, the above provisions did not apply. Nor did they 
in the case of a disposition inter vivos by the deceased clearly established. 17 

In the Sd-ni rio, or section relating to Buddhist priests, it is provided 
that priests and nuns may not hold land. 

Modern lawyers will probably notice some marks of inconsistency 
or incompleteness in the provisions of the Den rid as above set out. 
Perhaps the most obvious is also the- true explanation, — that in a code 
of such an early date as this the same scientific accuracy and com- 
pleteness cannot be expected as would be demanded in the present age 
in such a work. 

w Wills are not mentioned in the Code. 

Digitized by 




By J. Edkins, D.D., CorreBponding Member of the Society. 

[Read January 13, 1880.] 

The Chinese language has been in a state of constant flux since the 
time of the introduction of the Chinese characters into Japan. Change 
is inevitable in human speech, and the Japanese tongue is not likely to 
prove an exception to the lawtf The syllabaries in use in the schools of 
Japan were invented at a time quite long enough ago for changes to 
enter in the interval between then and now. If changes have come into 
the Japanese syllabary, in what parts of it are they to be found ? In 
this subject of inquiry the late very elaborate paper by Mr. Satow, on 
the " Transliteration of the Japanese Syllabary," is adapted to be most 

I cannot but think, notwithstanding the adverse opinion of Mr. Satow 
in page 18 of his paper, that there are strong indications of flux in the 
sounds chi and tsu. I think also that there has been a remarkable 
change in the/ and h group, on which Mr. Satow gives no opinion. 

Several sources of evidence on these changes will now be ap- 
pealed to. • . ■ 

1. The sound tsu is t in certain positions. Thus in motte, yotte, 
the sibilization disappears. Here we find the original sound preserved 
in a favourable position. It is the te following it that throws the 
primitive sound into relief, and has prevented its being "altered into tsu. 

So it is that in hito, bito, the original sound b is preserved from 
variation. The second word follows the first quickly. The disintegra- 

Digitized by 



tion is prevented by this instantaneous sequence. B keeps its form, 
while A is the only vestige remaining in the first word of the original 

2. There is nothing to prevent the Japanese from pronouncing ti. 
My present informant, a young Japanese recently arrived in China, 
pronounces the Chinese words ting, ti, .quite distinctly and without any 
difficulty of 'Utterance. Why should not the ancient Japanese be able to 
do so too ? The irregularity which now meets** us did not arise from 
any difficulty in enunciating ti and tu. It has originated since the 
invention of the iroha, and is caused by the sibilization of t before two 
out of the five vowels. 

In writing the sound of the Chinese character "J* the Go Won has 
chiyau, the Kan Won, tei. There is no doubt on the point that t was 
the true Chinese initial at the time. Then why should not the Japanese 
write it ? What I maintain is that they did write it, and that the sign 
they employed was ti at the time and afterwards changed its value. If 
they had no ti in their alphabet they would have made one. It was too 
important not to be represented. 

This is a matter easily tested. Are there any Japanese who cannot 
sound ti and tu, and if so how many per cent ? 

3. The Japanese have always regarded ta, chi, tsu, te, to as a 
single group with one initial consonant only. If at first chi and tsu had 
had a fully developed form, the Buddhist priests who controlled educa- 
tion would have looked to the oh series of letters in the Sanscrit 
alphabet as their type and added it to the Japanese syllabary. Mr. 
Satow states that some Japanese writers, when using Roman letters, 
write the two signs in question ti and tu. Doubtless they have an 
instinctive sense derived perhaps from the usage in motte, yotte, etc., 
that chi and tsu were not the true original sounds. 

4. Analogy in the Korean language speaks for an extensive change 
from ti to chi still going on. For example, the Chinese word ti, 
" emperor," is pronounced in northern Korean tei, while in southern 
Korean and in the capital it is chiye. Books printed in the native 
character follow the usage of the capital in this point and write chiye. 
Medhurst's vocabulary writes the word tei, and in doing this follows 

Digitized by 



the northern Korean in preference to that of the capital. The Japanese 
also read this word tei. The Korean small dictionary of Chinese 
pronounces it tiye. 

The Chinese word JSft " faithful " is read by the northern Koreans 
t'yong. In Medhurst's vocabulary and in the novels printed in the . 
metropolitan dialect it is called c'hyong. By the Japanese it is read 
chiyu or chiu. The small Chinese tonic dictionary used in Korea has 
also c'hyong. 

The change from tH to c'hi has taken place in south Korea and in 
Japan. In north Korea the old t initial is still retained. The Korean 
and Japanese languages are cognate, and since the Korean has this 
change from ti to chi distinctly developed, an argument may be derived 
for the existence of the same law of change in Japanese as suggested 
by the anomalous condition of the t group in the syllabary. 

This change from ti to chi in Korea is not limited to Chinese words. 
Native Korean words are liable to it. The word for " temple/ 1 the 
Japanese tera, is heard chiyer. 

The appearance of the Mongol syllabary is such as to suggest that 
ji has changed from di. There are scarcely any words commencing with 
di, while there are many beginning with ji. This is caused by the 
vowel i in leading to the sibilization of the preceding dental consonant. 
The vowel i, then, when it follows d or t has the effect of changing 
them to j or ch. But Mongol is cognate to Japanese and therefore 
similar laws of changes- in letters may be expected. 

5. A fifth source of evidence is formed in the Japanese way of 
writing Chinese words with the initial ch or ts. Thus t'sun, " an inch," 
is always stm, never tsun. Now if the Japanese syllabary had in it 
tew as a clearly developed syllable at the time of the transcription, this 
symbol would naturally be used for the name of the Chinese " inch." 
But if the modern Japanese tsu was anciently tu, then the regular 
avoidance of tu when the Chinese tsu occurs is to be expected. If any 
one look* over the columns in Hepburn's dictionary consisting of words 
beginning with tsu, he will find cited many Chinese words beginning 
with t, some beginning with ch (these have changed t for, eh since the 
time of the transcription) and almost none commencing with ts\ 

So if the Chinese words in the columns devoted to the syllable chi 

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be examined in Hepburn, they will be found to be partly words in t, 
and partly words in ch. Among the words in ch are many that have in 
Chinese changed t for ch since the time of the transcription. Some of 
them, however, were pronounced ch at that time, e.g. Jjj£ chi, " branch," 
used in the Buddhist name for China. This is usually " Sina," although 
Hepburn gives both " Sina " and " Chiina." The Hindoo sound was 
" China," and the character for "branch " was therefore without doubt 
known as chi when the transcription was made from Sanscrit. In 
transcribing this sound for use in Japan the fact that ri was the syllable 
selected is highly in favour of the view that there was no chi at that 
time in the Japanese alphabet. When afterwards ti became chi it was 
also adopted occasionally by the later Japanese for writing the name of 
China. The sound si is, however, by far Che most prevalent and is the 
only one given in the two dictionaries I have at hand. 

6. Etymology is in favour of the view that ts or ch has come from 
t. Thus tobi, " to fly," may be regarded as akin to tmbasa, " wings." 
The sibilization of t, following on the change of o to u, should not hide 
from us the natural relationship of words like these. The Mongol word 
for birds is shibegtm. In colloquial Mongol it is shobo. The vowel i 
causes the change of the initial s in Mongol to sh, and in this the 
student of Japanese will 'recognize a peculiarity in the pronunciation 
of the syllable si in that language also, as carefully described by Mr. 
Satow. The comparison of the Japanese word tobi with the Mongol 
shibegun explains it afe meaning "that which flies." 

The Mongol negative dei in iredei, " he is not come," is like the 
Japanese dzu in atawadz, "he cannot," Chichi and Ute both, in 
Japanese, mean "father," and may be identified if we recognize the 
change of t to ch. 

Chigai and tagai both mean " to differ." 

7. The original characters used by the Chinese from which the 
Japanese signs for chi and tsu were formed may be appealed to for 
evidence on the early phonetic value of those' symbols. They will form a 
seventh ground for the conclusion that these signs were at first ti and tu. 

The primitive types of the running hand (hiragana) forms of «f» 
cfti are, hi a Japanese book I have, given as £8 chi, "know," and £!§ chi y 
" slow." In Julien's Methode pour dechiffrer et transcrire les noms 

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Sanscrits qui se rencontrent dans les Livres Chinois, 1 these characters are 
representative of the Sanscrit syllables ti and di. The Chinese, then, 
at the time of the Buddhist transcriptions, read these characters ti 
and di. 

In the 86 initials of Rang hi £jj chi (old sound ti) is the ninth* 
Underneath it are arranged a large number of words which in Japanese 
need to be spelt with the help of chi or with si. The Japanese trans- 
cribers always chose chi. I suppose the reason of this is that all those 
words beginning with ch in Rang hi's rhyming tables which are arranged 
under £ji were, in the Tang dynasty and before, pronounced with t or d 
instead of ch, and that these were the sounds the Japanese transcribers 
had to express whether they used Go Won or Kan Won. 

Of tsu the Chinese primitives in my authority are, first, R teu, old 
sound tu, Japanese tou. The second Mragana primitive of tsu is %j$ 
in running hand. It is pronounced by the Japanese to and by the 
Chinese tu. The third source of a running hand form of tsu was fig Vu. 
It is by the Japanese called to and by the Chinese t l u, old sound do. In 
Julien's Methods the first and second of these three characters teu, 
"contend," tu, "metropolis," are both of the value tu in Sanscrit 

The reason why the Japanese do not* use tsu in spelling these 
characters seems to be in the vowel and not in the consonant. It is 
constantly used in writing the sound of tu, " earth," " dust ;" tui, " a 
.couple," Vung, "to communicate," etc., where the inserted * is highly 
superfluous. The most of such Chinese characters as commence with 
ts are written by the Japanese su as remarked above. 

8. An argument may be drawn from the regularity of the Japanese 
transcription of Chinese sounds in many points to defend the thesis that 
it was so in this. 

In the whole horizon of philology there is perhaps no greater chaos 
at first view to be found any where than in the Japanese transcription 
of Chinese sounds. This is probably a not uncommon opinion among 
studentB. Inquiries of the kind presented in this paper will greatly 

tend to restore that chaos to order. 

. i t 

1 Julien's M6thode, pp. 202, 203. 

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AmoDg the most striking anomalies is the occurrence of k for the 
Chinese h. I propose to explain this in the following manner. There 
was no* h at the time of the transcription in the Japanese syllabary. 
The modern Japanese h was then p and b, or perhaps b only. Careful 
inquiry into the time of the introduction of the nigori mark for dis- 
tinguishing surds from sonants will help to show whether p and b 
both existed at the time of the Japanese transcription or only b. The 
Japanese having no h took k and g instead. I here assume that 
k and g % with p and b y both existed in Japanese formerly as now. . - - 

Sometime after the transcription of Chinese sounds, the letter h 
sprang into existence in the p and b series on account of a national 
habit of pronouncing p, b and / negligently, Through the increasing 
force of this bad habit of indistinct utterance, the h itself disappears 
in some cases, so that we find wa instead of ba and yi instead of hi. 
The Japanese have not yet so changed their writing as to accommodate 
these modern irregularities with a place in its recognized symbolism, 
and so ba and hi are written one way and pronounced another. Of 
this we English cannot complain, seeing that we are a hundred times 
worse in this respect in our own orthography. ' 

If this history of the letter h be admitted, not only may the 
occurrence of k for the Chinese h be explained, but also a mass of 
peculiarities belonging to the Japanese transliteration of Chinese sounds 
beginning with p,f, and the (in most dialects). lost b. 

Another instance where the symbols in the Japanese syllabary have 
changed their value since the invention of the marks is 1 the n 
final. It wavers between the sounds ng, n and m. At present ng is 
the favourite sound. N is the sound intended by the orthography. M 
is an old sound formerly assigned and written, when so pronounced, in 
'place of final n. Mr. Satow shews that in old times mu was extensively 
used in place of final n, and that its being written, in the early work 
called K^IKI Wan ye tsi y Man yep zip, is 'proof that the later sign for. 
final n was not then invented. The introduction of final n into the 
syllabary would follow on the early change of final m to final n. 

Thus* the Chinese finals ng, n, rn, are not represented very satis- 
factorily. The vowel u represents final ng, and this is uniform. But 
vol. vm. 21 

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n and m were both represented by a single sign, first by mu, then by n. 
The cause of this was in the defects of the Japanese vocal organs, which . 
fail miserably in the imitation of final letters. 

As a consequence, we find that when the hiragana characters 
are illustrated by selection of about four or five Chinese symbols to 
each sign in the syllabary, a great indifference to finals is observable. 
Na stands for the. Chinese na, nan and nai. Te stands for Vien, ti, 
t'ing, chuen. But the old sounds of these four words were fen, te, 
deng, ten. They all agree in having the same vowel and in having a 
dental initial mute. There is indifference in regard to the final letter. 

Under the s group are arranged all words in ts, s, sh and ch. Thus 
under sa are arranged tso, "left," cha, "mistake," san, " scatter," tso, "to 
assist," 016, "crooked," sie, "to thank." The real sounds were tsa, cha, 
san, zia, sia, or nearly bo. Under si or (as it is given by Hepburn and 
usually heard) ski, are placed ch'i £, "of," sin j^f, " new," sKi 1|*, " a 
thing," jg chi, "will." ( These characters are never written with thecAt 
of the Japanese syllabary, but always with si. This uniformity should 
teach us something in regard to changes in the initial letters of both 
languages. ' 

In regard to the Japanese language, its poverty in letters becomes 
conspicuous when the transcription is fairly considered. 

There was no sh, no ts, no h, no /,* no ch, and possibly no double 
set of surds and sonants. Nor was there an aspirate series. There 
were only five vowels. 

In Chinese there were all the letters just mentioned in which the 
Japanese were deficient except /, which has come in since. But since 
• that time the distinction of surd and sonant has been lost from 
mandarin, while it remains in local dialects. 

If the view here given of the original absence of sh in Japanese is 
correct, the Hizen usage of si t as noted by Mr. Satow, page 15, is older 
than the more common ski of Yedo and Kid to. Mr. Satow suggests that 
the old Japanese s may have lain between and sh. The Hizen people 
change before e into 0/1. 

• That fu did not exist is shewn as follows :-— The characters T,pu n not," ^ t 
pu, " cloth," bu, " woman," f& t are the types of the hiragana characters for/u. 
Alsojifu for -4-, jip, "ten," shews that the Japanese fu was formerly jw. 

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For philological purposes it is not essential to have separate marks 
for all* nice differences of sound. In a dictionary it is very convenient 
to have the written form of Japanese adhered to in the way that Mr. 
Satow proposes. There would be less difficulty in using Dr. Hepburn's 
dictionary it Mr. Satow's orthography were adopted as the basis of the 
alphabetical arrangement. We should not like to have to look for the 
word "beauty" in an English dictionary under " byuti," instead of 
under the usual orthography- 

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(164 ) 


By Ernest Satow. 

[Read January 13, 1880.] 

In my paper on the " Transliteration of the Syllabary " I said that 
' there was nothing to show that «f> and H were ever identical, and that 
there does not exist any evidence in support of the supposition that tsu 
and chi are corruptions of tu and ti.' Dr. Edkins thinks that he has 
adduced (evidence to prove the contrary, in the paper which has just 
been read, and at first sight he may appear to have done this successfully ; 
but an examination of hjs arguments will, I think, show that they are 
by no means conclusive. • 

Before proceeding further, it. may be remarked with reference to the 
views put forward by Dr. Edkins on this subject in his " Study of the 
Chinese Characters," pp. 180-lBd, that the date assigned by Japanese 
annalists for the introduction of Chinese learning is not trustworthy. 
A glance at their chronology shows that it contains grave errors, and 
. that before the 5th century considerable deductions must be made from 
the antiquity ascribed to the events recorded. The date 286 A.D., 
apparently accepted by Dr. Edkins as accurate for the embassy of the 
Korean Achiki (as Motowori pronounces the name), should be placed 
perhaps about the year 400. There is no evidence that Wani (]£tl), 
the professor who came over to teach* Chinese to the Mikado's heir- 
apparent, taught him the so-called Go-on. This is the hypothesis of 
Motowori ; but other Japanese writers, such as Arawi Haku-seki and 
Da-zai Shiyun-tai have held the opposite opinion, the fact being that 
nothing certain is known about the matter, not even that the Go-on 
and Kan-on were derived from the parts of China ruled over by the 

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different dynasties known as Han and Wu. It is equally uncertain 
whether the Go-on is more ancient than the Kan-on or vice versa, so 
that arguments based on the former supposition are in reality without 
foundation. Dr. Edkins describes the Tan-in (which he miscalls To on) as 
" a sort of metropolitan pronunciation, probably representing the language 
as spoken in the Tang dynasty at the Chinese capital. In 605 five Japanese 
students spent a year at that city." But as Mr. Aston explains in the 
introduction to the second edition of his " Grammar of the Japanese 
Written Language," this is a term applied by the Japanese to the modern 
official Chinese language. It has nothing to do with the dynasty which 
was called T'ang, and is of comparatively recent introduction, certainly 
not before the 17th century. In fact the Tau-in was introduced by the 
the monks of Wau-baku-San, near Uji in Yamashiro, towards the end 
of the 17th century, about 800 years after the T'ang dynasty came to an 
end, and it was called Tau-in because it was supposed to be the " Chinese 
sound " of the Chinese characters at the time of its introduction. 
Go-on and Kan-on, in the same way, probably meant nothing more than 
the " Chinese sound/' or what was thought to be the Chinese sound, at 
the period when they respectively became the fashion. So we have, as 
Mr. Aston observes in the introduction to his r< Grammar of the Written 
Language," Kan frequently occurring in compounds in the sense of 
.' Chinese/ and Go in Go-foku (silk goods) no donbt equally meant 
Chinese when it first became a current phrase. " Kibidaishi," mentioned 
by Dr. Edkins as the inventor of the kata-kana syllabary, is called Eibi 
Dai-zhin fc)tgi ), not Dai-shi. . He was not a Buddhist monk, but a 
minister at the court of the Mikado. 

Dr. Edkins states that " the sound intended by flr f the 
Japanese wu> was at first ng. Afterwards the sound ng became 
attached to the symbol y, and the letter wu passed from a nasal 
into a vowel." This amounts to saying that the original value 
of gr, when* it was adopted by the Japanese to represent one of 
the sounds of their language, was ng, which is certainly not the 
case. The Chinese character from which gr is derived is probably 
^&, which is one of the characters anciently used in spelling words 
where the later kata-kana £r is now employed. Other Chinese char- 
acters used concurrently with *£ were ^, ff , ft and J|, the modern 

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sounds of which in some dialects are w, ii, iu, yii, o find w. It can 
hardly be supposed that the Japanese originally adopted either of these 
to represent ng. They did not invent kana for the purpose of marking 
the sounds of Chinese characters, but for writing their own language, in 
which ng probably did not exist at that period. The pronunciation of 
Chinese characters was handed down ' orally, and those only had to' be 
transliterated which had been naturalized as Japanese words — and these 
were extremely rare up to the beginning of the 11th century. The 
earliest prose in kana contains hardly any words of Chinese origin. 
There can be little doubt that £r was adopted to represent the vowel «, 
and that being the nearest thing to the Chinese final ng, it was used to 
represent it when the first dictionaries with transliteration were 
compiled. . 

It is the next paragraph but one (Study of the Chinese Characters, p. 
181) that contains the statement to which I objected, namely, that " the 
Japanese chi was first ti and di, and afterwards changed to chi, zhi. This 
was between A. D. 280 and 605. This change did not take place in the 
Chinese language, but in the Japanese. Thus "J* has never changed in 
Chinese to clung, yet it is sounded by the Japanese chi ya wu. The 
syllable changed its value therefore soon after A. D. 280." ZJd of 
eourse should be ji (*f), but this is perhaps a misprint, just as in my 
own remarks on this passage shiyau was wrongly printed ckiyau. The 
last sentence here quoted appears to contain a justification of what I had 
said, namely, that there was no reason to suppose that the sign <f> was 
pronounced ti at the time of its adoption, for no one supposes that the 
kata-kana or hira-gana had been invented or had come into use until the 
8th century at the earliest, long after the period at which Dr. Edkins 
says that the change occurred. But this does not agree with what he 
asserts in the paper before the. Society. 

He maintains " that the sound was ti at the time and afterwards 
changed its value. If they had no ti in their language they would have 
made one." This is not likely. There were many other characters and 
sounds which the Japanese could not transliterate accurately, the final ng 
being one of them ; such as 3j|, J||, £, wh\ch have to be spelt shi ya 
and shi yo, though those spellings were much farther from the Chinese 
pronunciation than sha and sho would have been. • So also chi ya for 

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SATOW: BEBLY TO DB. EDKINS ON " Cttl " AND "«rSU." ' 167 

«£, chi yu for {£, chi yo for *J*, instead of cha, chu and cho, which are 
nearer to the original sounds than the make-shifts adopted by the 
Japanese to represent them. In these spellings the y seems to have 
been used instead of the simple vowel, because the ancient Japanese 
could not pronounce two vowels directly following each other, and either 
y or w had to be inserted. Perhaps this is a ground for thinking that 
£f was at first wu and then degenerated into u. Syllabic characters for 
sha, sho, cha f chu, cho would have been very useful for writing Chinese 
words, and there was every reason to invent such, if the Japanese had 
been inclined to supply new wants in that way. As they did not contrive 
anything new, but simply turned the existing material to account in 
these cases, there would be even less likelihood of their making a new 
kana for ti, the necessity of which was less apparent, if they had chi, 
which was near enough for their purpose. It is not to be supposed 
that the Japanese were any more precise about preserving the correct 
pronunciation of Chinese words adopted into their own language then, 
than they are now in the case of words which they take from modern 
European languages. Dr. Edkins asks whether there are any 
Japanese who cannot pronounce ti and tu ? The experience of every 
teacher of foreign languages in this country must be that they can, if 
trouble is taken to teach them, but that it requires an effort on their part 
to overcome their native tendeney to Bay chi and tsu. 

If "tsu is t in certain positions" that does not prove very much. 
In Japanese words where this tsu is found, it is a mere phonetic device 
for aiding to represent a tt which is a corruption of something else. 
Thus motte and yotte are corruptions of mochite and yorite, the former of 
which was mote in the earlier Japanese. All these double consonants 
are comparatively modern in Japanese words. Thus mattaku, written 
-* y 9 9 , was formerly mutaku ; massugu, -*y%if, perfectly 
straight, was ma sugu; mappira, -* y g 7, humbly, was ma hira. In 
compound words of Chinese origin a final tsu in the first element 
becomes k, p, s t t, according to the nature of the consonant which follows, 
and arguing from these cases it was natural to adopt the habit of 
representing the first part of a double consonant in Japanese words by 
' the same device. It is in any case quite a modern practice! 

The arrangement of the kana in groups of five is much later than 

* Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


their invention. If the arrangement in fives were earlier, we should no 
doubt have had a complete and symmetrical arrangement of fifty kana 
altogether. But the iroha is far older. Even in the kuwan-gen oii gi 
(1185) and the abridged Wa-miyau Sen (1546) the characters given are 
Chinese, and the " Scheme of the Fifty Syllables and Finals " in kana 
has only been presented by the modern grammarians of the last hundred 
years. Motowori thinks that the table was constructed for the use of 
monks who studied Sanskrit. Even if that were the case, the conscious- 
ness of every Japanese that in inflecting a verb with a root ending in a 
dental the change was chi, tsu, ta and te would lead him spontaneously 
to range all four in the same column, without his pronouncing y and 
^ as tu and ti. 

I do not dispute the position that tu and ti may be the old sounds 
and tsu and chi corruptions, but I maintain that there is no evidence 
that such a change took place subsequently to the invention of the 
kata-kana and hira-gana, and as I have shown by a quotation from his 
writings on the subject, Dr. Edkins himself 'ascribes the change to a 
period many centuries anterior to the use of the popular syllabaries. 

The argument that because they write Chinese words like ts'un, 
inch, with an initial s instead of ts, the Japanese cannot have possessed 
the syllable tsu when the transliteration was fixed, is very plausible. 'In 
fact, not only in the case of ts'un, but also in that of all other modern 
Chinese syllables, beginning with ts, as (tsu, ts'u, tsou, ts'ou, tsuh, ts l uh, 
tsun, tsung,) tsa, tsai, tsan, tsang, tseng, tsao, tse, tsi, tsiang, tsbig, tso, 
the Japanese initial belongs to the dental sibilant series, and is either 
sa, se, or shi, simply because the Japanese not having tsa, tse and tsi 
in their syllabary, used the nearest approach they possessed. ' The 
transcription son (originally somu) must have come from Chinese tson, 
which they could not render with exactness, as they had no tso, and as 
already observed, they preferred helping themselves out with what 
already existed ready to their hand, to inventing new instruments for 
recording sounds. As they did this in the cases of tsa, tse, tsi and tso 
it is not to be wondered at that they used su for tsu. 

An analysis' of the modern Chinese syllables which begin with ch, 
shows that by far the largest number have <f> in the Japanese tran- 
scriptions, those which begin with ?/ being next most numerous, while 

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the rest begin with T > -te » 9 , and -tf- . It seems natural to infer that 
the words transcribed by the Japanese with 5/ , ^ and ■#• had an 
initial t, and that tsi, tse and tsa have since become chi> che and cha in 
China, while the consonant transcribed with -^ had already undergone 
the change into ch. In other words that some of the Chinese sounds 
which have now an initial ch had ch and others ts at the time the Japanese 
transcription was settled. In a few cases there are two transcriptions, 
e.g. <$?, which is both sa and chiya, showing that . the word was tsa in 
one and cha in the other dialect from which the Go-on and Kan-on were 

In the Man-yefu-shifu and Ko-zhi-ki the characters where we now 
have the kata-kana <+ are §&, §, jg, jj§, Jjjfc, and JJj, all of which, 
excepting the last, are chi or chH in the modern Chinese, and were 
probably so in the dialect from which the Japanese adopted them. It is 
clear that the Japanese did not possess both chi and ti, and they would 
pronounce both in accordance with their capacity, and then apply 
both to the purpose of recording the native syllable. For shi they used 

^, #, with g, 3§, ^, ±, and J$, for zhi, besides <fg, gf, j§, jg 
and j£, of which they omitted the final, in the Maii-yefu-shifu, and in the 
Ko-zhi-ki #f, j=g, gjj, £5 , $£, ^, for sfti, with ^ and g for £/«*. 
Some of these begin with ch, others with s, sh or ts in the modern 
Mandarin ; in the last three cases it is evident that the Japanese adopted 
two almost without change and omitted the initial t of the other, and if 
the present ch is simply a changed ts then that case is also disposed of. 

The signs used for tsu in the same early books are gf, jj£, gg, jg, 
and jg, of which the first three were adopted entire, the remaining two 
being shorn of their finals. They must have been originally pronounced 
tu, ton and tung in the Go -on from which all but the last were taken ; 
the Kau-on are to, tou, tou, and tou (for tony). Tsum is the Kan-od, tai 
the Go- oil of 3^, so that this kana was taken from the Kaii -611,. which is 
rather curious. All other syllables which have tu in modern Chinese, 
have to or ta in the Japanese transcription, with a very few exceptions 
in which the initial consonant is s, owing to a difference in the dialect 

I entirely agree with Dr. Edkins' remarks as to the use of A- in 
vol. viii. 22 

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Japanese to represent the Chinese A. There certainly is not at the present 
day, and probably never was, any such sound as a guttural h in the Japanese 
language, and a modern Japanese, if asked to pronounce a Chinese word 
beginning with h, would inevitably change it into ft. The letter A in 
Japanese is an aspirated labial, and is used in transliterations by 
Europeans because it conies nearer to the Japanese consonant than any 
other letter in our alphabet, except before u, when it appears to be 
pronounced more like /. Probably the sound was / before the other 
consonants in earlier times, but we have no evidence when the change 
from / to h took place in the standard speech of the metropolis. In the 
earlier Japanese literature the sonants were undistinguished from the 
surds and aspirates by any marks, and the earliest example of a work in 
which the nigori was used is the Miyau-moku Seu 1 (fa |f $£)t which 
was printed from an exact transcript of a copy made in the year 
1500, as the eolophon at the end of the volume states, special care 
having been taken to insert the nigori and other marks of the original 
MS. The fact seems to have been that it mattered little whether the 
sonant or the surd were used, or in the case of labials, whether the sonant 
or the aspirate were pronounced, at a period when each syllable was 
given uncontracted and unaltered. Even at the present day a Japanese 
will often find it difficult to decide which ought to be used in the case of 
a particular name, a familiar example of which is the dispute whether 
we ought to say Ohozaka or Ohosaka for the great commercial city at 
the mouth * of the Yodo-gaha. It appears, however, that in the 8th 
century the difference was recognized, for in the Ko-zhi-ki different kana 
were used for the sonants and surds with considerable consistency. 
But I do not think that any evidence exists by which the period at 
which the aspirate labial h sprang into existence can be determined. If the 
Japanese of the capital had already acquired the habit of pronouncing / 
so carelessly as make it sound in most cases like h t they would not have 
taken the trouble to learn' the Chinese p, although recognizing that it 
was closely related to their own sound, and they would therefore have 
no hesitation in adopting Chinese words beginning with p for their own 

1 The apparent author was Sanehiro Sa-dai-zhin, who was appointed to that 
office in 1455. The copy was made in 1500 and the transcript belonged to Yama- 
Bhina Dai-na-gofi, b. 1507, d. 3579. 

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1 pure ' labial. We do not know when the terms sumi (sei) and nigori 
(daku) were first employed, though it is clear from the above quoted 
colophon that they are anterior to the end of the 15th century. What I 
wish to point out is that the inventor of these terms evidently looked 
upon the surd or aspirate as the original sound (*umt=pure) and the 
sonant as the corruption of it (nt#on=foul), so that if h and / are 
descended from p, the change took place so early that all memory of it 
had been lost when the Japanese first began to discuss these questions, 
and that a tradition to the contrary must have then existed. 

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( 172) 


By T. Blaxiston and H. Pryer. 

[Bead January 13, 1880.] 


Since the publication of Temminck and Schlegel's Fauna Japonica, 
the materials for which were mostly supplied by Dr. Franz von Siebold, 
who may be fairly styled the father of Natural History in Japan — no 
comprehensive treatise on the ornithology of this country has been 
written, although various papers have been published in scientific 
journals on collections made, notably Cassin's " Report 'on Commo- 
dore Perry's U. S. Expedition "; Blakiston, " On the Ornithology 
of Northern Japan," published in the Ibis of October, 1862 ; Mr. H. 
Whitely, " On Birds collected near Hakodate," Ibis, 1867, p. 198 ; and 
several contributions bj&the late Mr. R. Swinhoe on the birds of Yezo, to 
the lb is, from April, 1 874, to April, 1877 ; as- well as a preliminary 
catalogue furnished by the present compilers to the Ibis, and published 
therein in July, 1878, and Mr. H. Seebohm's notes on the same, also 
published in the Ibis. 

Few persons living in Japan, unless specially interested in 
ornithology, have probably seen any of the above, and the nomenclature 
having been scientific only, it has been suggested to the authors of this 
paper that a contribution to the " Transactions of the Asiatic Society of 
Japan," which has so large a local circulation, might, if not made too 
scientific, be of assistance to persons interested in the ornithology of 
Japan, as well as of interest to sportsmen 'and others who incidentally 
obtain specimens of birds and who may frequently be able to contribute 

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information of much value. Consequently the following catalogue has 
been compiled, which, however, must not be taken as in any way 
complete, the authors trusting only that its publication will elicit fuller 
information on the range of known species, as well as tend to the 
discovery of the existence of others; so that they, or some more 
competent persons, may at a future time be able to revise it with a view 
to republication. They will therefore be happy to receive specimens, 
either skinned or fresh, of any birds whatever, and will undertake to 
furnish the senders with the names, when known, or any other 
information in their power, specially recommending collectors to pick 
up birds qf unattractive appearance, as it is usually among such that 
rarities are to be found. They will also undertake to make public the 
name of the finders, and to return the specimens, if so desired, after 
comparison. In this way it is hoped that very eonsiderable additions 
may be made to the knowledge of the avi-fauna of Japan, which has a 
special interest among ornithologists owing to the situation of these 
islands off the extreme east of the continent of Asia. 

As a sample of what may be done by very limited research, 
the compilers may mention that the "Fauna Japonica" list, which 
included many very doubtful species, and others on the sole authority 
of Japanese drawings, did not number two hundred distinct species, 
whereas the present catalogue extends beyond three hundred, and, as 
has been mentioned before, is probably very far from being a complete 

The compilers have examined and compared most of the specimens 
of birds existing in the government museums at Toukiyau, namely in the 
Yamashita Haku-butsu-kuwan of the Nai-mu-shiyau, in the Eeu-iku 
Haku-butsu-kuwan of the Mon-bu-shiyau, and in the Eai-taku-shi at 
Shiba ; besides the museum of the Kai-taku-shi at Satsuporo, in Yezo, as 
well as the collections of Mr. Ota of Toukiyau, Drs. Manning, Ahlburg 
and Hilgendorf, and Mr. F. Ringer of Nagasaki. They have, moreover, a 
number of specimens in their private collections, and the Hakodate 
Museum — which is open to public inspection — contains most of the 
specimens collected principally in Yezo and the Kurile Islands by one of 
the authors and Mr. N. Fukushi, Chief of the Survey Department of the 

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The compilers* thanks are due to several persons who have supplied 
them with specimens, and to Mr. Tanaka, director of the Haku-butsu- 
kawan, who allowed them to examine a collection of drawings by native 
artists ; while Mr. Ota's intimate knowledge of the birds of hiB own 
country has been of much assistance. 

The arrrangement of this catalogue is that of Dr. Carl Clans in his 
Grundzuge der Zoologie, a perhaps rather unusual classification ; but 
the best ornithological authorities so differ on thiB matter, that it is of 
very little consequence what system is followed. 

All species included in the following list have the authorities on 
which they rest stated ; and duplicates have in most instances been sent to 
Europe for comparison to the late Mr. R. Swinhoe— who was the greatest 
authority on the birds of Eastern Asia — Dr. P. L. Sclater, Secretary of 
of the Zoological Society of London, and Mr. H. Seebohm, with whom 
the compilers are still in correspondence. Such identifications are 
enumerated under each species, and the volume an<l page of the Ibis, the 
best ornithological magazine in Europe, referred to. 

Beauty, Song, Etc. — A very common remark made by foreigners 
here, is that this country possesses few birds, and those that are found 
are not Temarkable for either beauty or song. To some extent this is 
true of the neighbourhood of the settlements, but it is a great mistake to 
suppose that the Japanese birds are at all deficient, either in numbers or 
other respects, in the wilder parts of the country. 

As an examplo of this, one of the writers made a hurried visit to 
Fuji-sail for the purpose of collecting birds, and although the weather was 
very unfavorable during the few days he was there, 44 species were 
obtained and a number of others observed. Among those obtained were 
several specimens of Tchitrea Princeps. When alive, this bird rivals 
in beauty any denizen of the tropics. The head is crested and glossy 
black, merging into a rich purple on the back ; the breast is creamy 
white, the wings are dark, and the tail has two long feathers 
sixteen inches in length. Around the eye it has a fringe of skin of a 
torqnoise blue, and the beak, which is large, is of the same color. 
Beautiful in itself, it delights in choosing nature's most picturesque spots 
in which to build its nest. This pretty little structure is often placed at 
the end of a moss-fringed branch overhanging the little mountain brooks, 

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which come foaming over the grey, fern-clad boulders. Three species 
of Thrushes, all good songsters, abound on Fuji- sail. Two of the 
Flycatchers, Xanthropygia Narcissina and Cyanoptila Cyanomelana, 
both very beautiful, sing sweetly, and the chorus of birds there in the 
early morning is truly delightful. 

Among other beautiful birds particularly noteworthy, Japan 
possesses two species of Pheasants peculiar to the country. The 
Mandarin Duck, although having a wide range, is quaintly beautiful 
and not uncommon ; the Falcated Teal, and when flying in the sunlight, 
the Japanese Ibis (Ibis Nippon). All these birds, to be appreciated, must 
be seen alive and in full plumage,— dried specimens conveying but a 
poor idea of the living examples. 

Geographical Distribution. — We know that 180 of the species found 
here also occur in China, and about 100 are identical with those of 
Great Britain. Most of these have been carefully compared by the late 
Mr. Swinhoe, and there are a number of others which approximate 
very closely and ought, perhaps, to rank only as sub-species. 

Nidification, Etc. — We think most of the birds included in our list 
will be found breeding in some part or other of this country. We have 
obtained eggs, nestlings, or young birds of 68 species, but have not had 
an opportunity of visiting the breeding grounds of any of the sea birds, 
which we know stop here all the year, or the number would be 
considerably enlarged. The following we have obtained : — 

Tinnunculus Japonicus, T. & 8.; Spizaetus Orientalis, T. & 8.; 
MOvus Melanotis; Syrnium Uralense, T. & S.; Ninox Japonica; 
Schoenicola Yezoensis, 8.; -Euspiza Sulphurata, T. & 8.; Emberiza 
Personata, Pall.; Emberiza Ciopsis, Bp.; Alauda Japonica, T. & 8.; 
Oreocinda Aurea, Pall.; Turdus Sibericus, Pall.; Turdus Chrysolaus, T.; 
Tardus Cardis, T.; Hypsipetes Amaurotis, T.; Monticola Solitaria, Mull; 
Ianthia Oyanura, Pall.; Lavivora Cyane, Pall.; Erythacus Akahige, 
T. & S.; Cinclus Pallasi, T.; Troglodytes fumigatus, T.; Locustella, 
cursitans, Frank; Phylloscopus coronatus, T. & 8.; Cettia Cantans, 
T. & S.; Motacilla boarula, Scop.; Motacilla lugens, T. & S.; Anthus 
maculatus, Hodg.; Acredula trivirgata, T.; Parus varius, T. & 8.; Parus 
minor, T. & 8.; Tohitrea princeps, T. & 8.; Pericrocotus cinereus, Safr.; 
Xanthopygia narcissina, T.; Cyanoptila cyanomelana, T. & 8.; Lanius 

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superciliosus, L.; Lanius bucephalus, T. & S.; Sturnia pyrrhogenys, 
T. & S.; Stomas cineraceus, T.; Garrulus Japonicus, Bp.; Nucifraga 
caryocatactes, L.; Cyanopica cyanus, Pall.; Corvus corone, L.; Corvus 
Japonensis, Bp.; Caprimulgus Jotaka, T. & S.; Chelidon Blakistoni, S.; 
Cecropis erythropygia, Sykes ; Hirundo gutteralis, Scop.; Zosterops 
Japonicus, T. & S.; Halcyon coromanda, Bodd ; Ceryle guttata, Vigors; 
Alcedo Bengalensis, Gm.; Picus major, S.; Turtur gelastis, T.; Cdturnix 
Japonica, T. & S.; Phasianus Soemmeringii, T.; Phasianus versicolor, 
VielL; Gallinula chloropus, S.; Rallus Indicus, Blyth; Herodias garzetta, 
S.; Nycticorax griseus, L.; Gallinago Australis, Lath; Lobivanellus 
inornatas, T. & S.; Anas Zonorhyncha, S.; Podiceps Phillipensis, Bonn. 

Japan possesses the advantage of covering a large area, running 
north and south ; this is no doubt the cause of our finding many species 
resident throughout the year only partially migrating from one part of 
the country to another. Even some insect-feeding birds remain as far 
north in winter as the neighbourhood of Yokohama, and one of the 
miters remembers shooting together Ruticilla Aurorea and Ianthia 
Cyanura, which were too busily engaged fighting to observe his approach, 
during a snow storm in January, some years ago. The latter stays 
high up Fuji-sari during the summer, and only migrates to the plains at 
the foot in the winter, and Ruticilla Aurorea was observed wintering on 
Ohoshima (Vriesl in considerable numbers. Cettia Cantans stops all the 
year about Yokohama, and its song may be heard early in March. 

Japanese Pheasants. — We have seen a pair of hybrids between 
Phasianus Versicolor and Soemmeringii. The cock is exceedingly beautiful. 
It has the head and tail of the Green Pheasant. The body is a shining 
auburn, anil the tail is more fan-shaped and longer than the Green 
Pheasant, but is barred like it. The hen is large, but otherwise hardly 
differs from Phasianus Versicolor. 

Phasianus Versicolor and the Chinese Phasianus Torquatus readily 
iiiterbreed in a wild state, and Jhe progeny is generally larger than 
either of the parents ; a number of Phasianus Torquatus were turned 
out at different places near Yokohama, Kaube and Nagasaki a few 
years ago, and more hybrids have since been shot than thoroughbred 
P. Torquatus. Since these birds were turned out, quite a number of 

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small birds having the plumage of the cock, bat which are undoubtedly 
hens, have been procured. It is well known that this so-called 
hermaphrodite state is accompanied by an organic defect, and we think 
that there is good reason for supposing that those .wo have obtained 
exhibiting this state of plumage may be the second generation of 
hybrids, as some of the specimens show signs of the white ring round 
the neck ; and further, the comparative abundance of this form since 
Phasianus Torquatus was introduced leads us to think that hybridization 
may be the cause of the defective organization. All these cock-hen birds 
proved on dissection incapable of propagating their species. 

Zoological line of Demarcation. — As far as our observations go, 
the following birds are confined to Yezo : — 

Harelda glacialis, Tetrates Bonasia, Picus Minor, Dryocopus Marti us, 
Corvus Corax, Ampelis Garrula, Acredula Caudata, Leucosticte 
Brunneinucha, Gecinus Canus, Garrulus Brandti. The following do not 
cross the straits of Tsugaru northward : — Lobivanellus inornatus, 
Phasianus Versicolor and soemmeringii Gecinus Awokira Gyanopica 
Cyanus, Garrulus Japonicus, Acredula Trivirgata. 

Further observation may prove that some of the above-mentioned 
species are not strictly confined to these limits, but of the following six 
species Gecinus Canus (Yezo), and Awokira (Main Island), Acredula 
Caudata (Yezo), and trivirgatus (Main Island), Garalus Brandti (Yezo), 
and Japonica (Main Island), it is interesting to observe how one -species 
replaces the other in their respective districts. The Straits of Tsugaru 
are from fifteen to twenty miles across, but the fauna and flora of the two 
iaknds indicates a far greater difference than is shown by a glance at 
the map of the two islands. These straits are doubtless a zoological 
line of demarcation. For instance, in the mammalia the bear of Yezo 
is a northern species, and the bear of the Main Island was for a long 
time thought to be identical with the Ursus Thibetanus. Neither the 
sheep-face antelope, Nemorhedus crispa, or the Japanese monkey, Innus 
speciosus, or the boar, Sus leucomystax, have crossed the straits, 
although both the antelope and monkey are well fitted to bear the 
cold of Yezo, and are indeed found on the mainland bordering the 
northern shore. We also find the same rule holds good with the 

VOL. Till. 23 

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pheasants, neither of which cross the straits, although abundant on 
the extreme north of the main island. There is also a remarkajble 
absence of Conifers in Yezo, although so very abundant south of the 
straits. Probably when the Zoology and Botany of the islands 
comprising Dai Nitsu-pon becomes better known, many more examples 
will be forthcoming and will fully establish the existence of this 
dividing line. Its cause is a question more for geological research 
to establish; but we think that even supposing the distribution of 
land. and sea to have been the same for- a vast period as it is at 
present, a cold period which drove animals and plants southward to 
a last refuge in the south of Japan, and the re-opening of the straits 
of Tsugaru (which may be presumed to have been frozen during this 
cold period) on the return of a temperate climate, but before those 
animals and plants could redistribute throughout Nitsu-pon, 'would 
account for the present dissimilarity between the fauna of the two 
islands. It seems not even necessary to suppose the cold to have 
been sufficiently intense to freeze over the Straits of Tsugaru, so long 
as its duration was enough to kill out those forms of life which had 
existed during a previous temperate or hot period ; at the same time 
it must be remembered that the bear, Ursus Japonicus, monkey, 
Innus speciosus, and pheasants seem to indicate a former connection 
between Japan and the south. 

Avi-fauna of the Bonin Islands. — During March, 1878, we paid a 
hurried visit to these interesting islands. Jhe only birds obtained were 
Hypsipetes Amaurotis, T. and S.; Monticola Solitaria, Mull, and Cettia 
Cantans, T. and S.; a brown buzzard, plover and small finch were 
seen. All three obtained were remarkable for length of bill and clearness 
of song as* compared with specimens from the mainland, and Hypsipetes 
* Amaurotis was especially large and dark. Mr. Webb, an intelligent 
islander, gave us a list of 25 species of birds which he had seen on the 
islands, amongst which was a parrot, which he described as having a red 
breast, green back and yellow beak, as periodically visiting one of the 
outlying islands when the nuts were ripe on a particular kind of tree. It 
would be extremely interesting to obtain a specimen of this bird, which 
would be perhaps one of, if not the most, northerly ranging species of 
.the Psittiacidn known to exist. 

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1. AlCA TORDA, L. 

Given in the list of the * Fauna Japonica ;' no figure. 

2. Mormon cirrhatum, Gm. 

Pacific or Tufted Puffin. Jap. ' Yetopirika.' 

(Seebohm, 'Ibis,' 1879, p. 21.) 

Specimens in the Toukiyau Museum, and in the Hakodate Museum, 
from the Kuril Islands, collected by Mr. N. Fukushi, Director of the 
Survey Department of the Kai-taku-shi. 

A very common bird in the Gulf of Tartary in summer. 

3.' Mormon corniculatum, Naum. 
Horned Puffin. 
Male and female specimens in the Hakodate Museum. " Collected by 
Mr. H. J. Snow, at the Kuril Islands. 

4. Phaleris cristatblla, Pall. 

Crested Auk. ^Fap. ' Itorofu umi-suzume.' 
Mr. H. "Whitely obtained two specimens off the east coast. 
(' Ibis,' 1867, p. 209). Specimens in the Hakodate Museum from the 
Kuril Islands, collected by Mr. N. Fukushi. Specimen identified by Mr. 

H. Seebohm. (' Ibis/ 1879, p. ). Collected by Mr. H. J. Snow at 

the Kuril Islands. 

5. Phaleris mtstacea, Pall.=P. Camtschaticus, Lepechin. 

Specimen in the Hakodate Museum, collected by Mr. H. J. Snow 
at the Kuril Islands. Wing measures 110 millimetres. 

Commodore Perry's expedition procured examples at Shimoda and in 
Toukiyau* Bay. (Cassin's Report Perry's Expedition. Vol. 2, p. 284.) 

6. Phaleris pusilla, Pall. 

Least Auk. 
The Yamashita Haku-butsu-kuwan, Toukiyau, contains a dried 
specimen from Kaga ; and in the Hakodate Museum is one collected in that 
harbour in May. Both specimens are wanting the white over the eye 
as in M. alle; the former has white bristles under the eye, and on the 
front near the bill ; the Hakodate specimen has a trace in the latter 
position. Length, about 6£ inches ; wing, 8 J to 4 inches. 

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7. Braohyrhamphus umisuzume, TFem. 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum, collected at Hakodate, and by 
Mr. F. Ringer at Nagasaki. Also obtained by Commodore Perry's 
expedition at Shimoda and in Toukiyau Bay. Given in the ' Fauna 

8. Braohyrhamphus antiqus, Gm. 

Grey-headed Auk. Jap. ' Umi-suzume.' 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum from Hakodate and Toukiyau. 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. Also obtained at Skotan Island, 
off the east estremity of Yezo, by Mr- N. Fukushi. 

Very abundant in Toukiyau Bay in winter. 

9. Braohyrhamphus kittutzi, Brandt.' 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum, duplicates of which were 
referred by the late Mr. B. Swinhoe to this species. (' Ibis, 1 1874, 
p. 166, et 1875, p. 458.) 

10. Uria carbo, Pall. 

Black-winged Black Guillemot. Jap. ' Keima-furi.' 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums and Hakodate Museum, 

the latter collected on coast of the Yezo, where it is not uncommon. 

(Swinhoe, ♦Ibis,' 1875, p, 458.) 

Mr. H. Whitely included U. grylle in his list ('Ibis,' 1867, p. 210), 

probably in mistake for this species. 

11. Uria troile, L. 

Common Guillemot. * Jap. ' Umigarasu.' . 
One specimen obtained at Hakodate, in the Museum there, is 
referred to this species. , 

12. Uria brunnichi, Sab. 

Brunnich's Guillemot. Jap. * Ugamo/ 
Specimens collected in Yezo and the Kuril Islands in the Hakodate 
Museum. (Seebohm, « Ibis,* 1879.) 

18. Ceratorhyncha monocerata, Pall. 

Horn-billed Guillemot. Jap. ' Utou.' 
Very common on the eoast of Yezo. Specimens in {he Hakodate 
Museum. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 1874, p. 166.) 
• Occasionally obtained in Toukiyau Bay. 

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14* Podiceps CORNUTUS, Gm. 
Sclavonian Grebe. 
Specimen in the Hakodate Museum, collected there, and by Mr. F. 
Ringer at Nagasaki. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, p. 456 : Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 

15. Podiceps cristatus, L. 

Great Crested Grebe. 

Mr. H. Whitely included this in his list ('Ibis/ 18W, p. 208). 
Specimens in the Hakodate Museum from that locality. 

This is probably the bird figured in the ' Fauna Japonica * as 
P. rubricollis major. 

16. Podiceps phillipensis, Bonn'. 

Jap. ' Kait8umuri.' 

Breeds about Yokohama. Common on ponds and moats in Toukiyau ; 
also common in Yezo in summer. Specimens in the Toukiyau 
Museums and the Hakodate Museum from both localities. (Swinhoe, 
• Ibis/ 1875, p. 456.) ' 

Nest built on the water, composed of dead-water plants. Eggs, 3 
to 5, always very much decolored, 1^ in. long. 

17. Podiceps auritus, lAth.=Nigricollis i Gml. 

Eared Grebe. Jap. ' Hajiro-kaitsumuri.' 
Common in Toukiyau Bay in winter, and in Yezo. Also obtained 
by Mr. F. Ringer at Nagasaki. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. 

18. Colymbus arcticus, Linn. • 

Black- throated Diver. Jap. ' Oho-hamu.' 

Common in spring in Hakodate harbour. Also obtained by Mr. F. 
Ringer at Nagasaki. 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Whitely, ' Ibis/ 1867, p. 
208: Seebohm, 'Ibis/ 1879, p. 22.) 

A specimen sent to the late Mr. R. Swinhoe from Hakodate was 
identified by him as C, adamsi, G. R. Gray. See remark by Mr. H. 
Seebohm, ' Ibis, 1879, p. 22. 

19. Colymbus septentrionaus, L. 

Red- throated Diver. Jap. 'AmV 
Occasionally obtained in Toukiyau Bay. Tolerably abundant in 

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Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
'Ibis,' 1867, p. 208 : Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1874, p. 168.) 

20. Cygnus musicus, Bechst. 

Hooper. Jap. ' Oho-haku-tcu.' 

The common Swan of Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate, Toukiyau 
and Satsuporo Museums. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1875, p. 456.) 

Occasionally obtained about Toukiyau in winter. Three seen in the 
Moat there,* among other wild fowl in January, 1876. 

21. Cygnus bewicki, Yarr. 

Bewicks Swan. Jap. ' Haku-teu.' 
A specimen in the Kiyou-iku Haku-butsu-kuawii seems to agree 
the figure and description of this species. 

22. Anser segitum, Gm. 

Bean Goose. Jap. ' HishikulnY 
This goose seems pretty generally distributed throughout Japan. 
Specimens in all the museums. Those in the Hakodate museum 
were collected in Yezo. There seem to be two forms, — a large and 
small, possibly separable, (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1875, p. 456.) 

28. Anser braohyrhynchus, T. 

Pink-footed Goose. Jap. 4 Ma-gan.' 
Common in winter in Toukiyau Bay. Specimens in the Hakodate 
Museum collected in Yezo. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1875, p. 456: Seebohm, 
« Ibis,' 1879.) m 

24. Anser albifrons, Gm. 

White-fronted Goose. Jap. 4 Karigane.' 
Common in Toukiyau Bay; seen as early as the beginning of 
October. Passes Hakodate in spring and autumn. Specimens in the 
Toukiyau and Hakodate Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1875, p. 456, et 
1877, p. 146.) 

25. Anser erythropus, Linn. 

Jap. 'Ko-karigane.' 
A miniature of the preceding species. Obtained in Toukiyau and 
Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Seebohm, * Ibis,' 1879, 
p. 22.) 

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26. Anseb cygnoides, L. 

Jap. ' Sakatsura-hishikuhi.' 
Figured in the ' Fauna Japonica. , Specimens at the Haku-butsu- 
kuwari and Kai-taku-shi Museum in Toukiyau. As in A. segitum there 
are two sizes of this goose which may prove distinct. 

27. Anseb hyperbobeus, Pall. 

Snow Goose. Jap. ' Haku-gan.' 
In large flocks in winter about Susaki, Toukiyau Bay. No speci- 
mens yet sent to Europe for identification. There are said to be smaller 
birds mixed with the flocks, whidh may prove to be A. attaints, Casrin. 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

28. Bernicxa leucopabia, Brandt. 

Jap. • Shi-zhifu-kara-gan. , 

A small species of the Canada goose form inhabiting the Pacific 
coast of North America, and passing from the Arctic via Kamschatka to 
Japan, where it does not seem to be abundant. 

Specimens obtained i% the neighbourhood of Hakodate .are in the 
Hakodate Museum. Also in the Toukiyau Museums. Obtained at 

29. Bebnicla tobquata, Jenyns. 

Brent Goose. Jap. ' Koku-gaii.' 
Obtained in the Toukiyau Bay. The winter sea-goose of Hakodate. 
Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. 

30. Anas boschas, L. 

Mallard. Jap. ' Ma-gamo.' 
As in Europe, the common " Wild Duck " in Japan. As far as we 
know it does not breed Bouth of Yezo. (Swinhoe, * Ibis,' 1877, p. 

81. Anas zonobhyncha, Swinh. 

Dusky Mallard. Jap. 'Kari-gamo.' 

Of the same form and size as the Mallard, and doubtless often 

mistaken by sportsmen to be female or young Mallard. Can always 

be distinguished by a yellow band across the bill. Seems to be very 

generally distributed. Specimens from both islands in the Hakodate 

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Museum. Specimens in the Toukiyau Mdseums. A nest of eggs was 
found in April on the lake at Uheno Park, Toukiyau. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 
1874, p. 164). 


Mandarin Duck. Jap. ' Oshi-dori.' 

Breeds in Yezo, and on the Main Island. Is said formerly to have 
built in the trees in Uheno Park, Toukiyau. Common on narrow, deep 

Dives and hides in the overhanging bamboo thickets on the approach 
of danger. Obtained at Nitsu-kuwau. Specimens in the Toukiyau 
Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1875, p. 457.) 

S3. Carsaca butila, Pall. 

Buddy Shieldrake. 
This bird is figured in native books, and is given in the ' Fauna 
Japonica' list. We have been shown the wing- feathers, but have not 
succeeded in obtaining a complete specimen. 

84. Tadorna oornuta, Gmd. * 

Common Shieldrake. Jap. ' Tsukushi-gamo.' 
A full plumaged male presented by Mr. F. Ringer, who collected it 
at Nagasaki, is in the Hakodate Museum. 


Widgeon. Jap. 'Hidori.' 
Swarms during winter in the Toukiyau Moats and Bay. Common 
in Yezo in spring and autumn. Specimens in the Toukiyau and Hakodate 
Museums. (Swinhoe, « Ibis,' 1875, p. 457.) 

8G. Dafila acuta, L. 

Pintail. Jap. ' Wo-naga-gamo.' 

A very common duck in winter in Toukiyau ; passes Hakodate in 
Spring and autumn. (Whitely, * Ibis,' 1867, p. 207 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 
1877, p. 147.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 


Teal. Jap. « Ko-gamo.' 
Very plentiful about Toukiyau in winter. Some remain in Yezo 
during the same season, but more go south. 

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Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
* Ibis/ 1867, p. 207 : Swinhoe, * Ibis/ 1877, p. 147.) 


Garganey Teal. Jap. * Shima-hazhi.' 
One specimen obtained in the Toukiyau market by Mr. Ota. Now 
in the Kiyou-iku Haku-butsu-kuwan Museum. Two specimens by Mr. 
N. Fukushi at Satsuporo, Yezo, now in the Hakodate Museum. 


Falcated Teal. Jap; ' Yoshi-gamo.' 
Specimens from Nagasaki, Awomori and Yezo, in the Hakodate 
Museum, also in the Toukiyau Museums. Common in Toukiyau Bay. 
(Swinhoe, ' Ibis, 1 1874, p. 164.) 

40. Querquedula Formosa, Georgi. 

Spectacled Teal. Jap. ' Azhi.' 
Common in winter about Toukiyau. Ranges as far as the north 
extremity of the Main Island, if not Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate 
and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, * Ibis,' 1877, p. 147.) 

41. Spatula clypea?a, L. 

Shoveller. Jap. ' Hashibiro-gamo.' 
Generally distributed. Migrates with the other ducks. Yezo 
specimens in the Hakodate Museum, also ' in the Toukiyau Museums. 
(Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1875, p. 457.) 

42. Chaulelasmtjs streperus, L. 

Gadwall. Jap. ' Okayoshi.' 
Not uncommon among the wild fowl brought to market at 
Yokohama. Another obtained in the same way is in the Hakodate 
Museum. Resembles Q. falcata in summer plumage. An exceptionally 
large specimen shot by "Mr. Whitfield north of Toukiyau, January, 
1880. Specimens in the Toukiyau Musemus. 


Scaup Duck. Jap. * Nakihashiro-gamo.' 
Common in winter about Toukiyau. Remains at Hakodate in 
spring about the latest duck. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau 
Museums.. (Swinhoe, « Ibis,' 1875, p. 457.) 

VOL. YI*. 24 

Digitized by 



44. FuLiGuiiA mabiloides, Vigors. 

Lesser Scaup. 
Specimen Bent from Yezo to the late Mr. Consul Swinhoe was 
identified by him as this species. 

45. Fuligula cbistAta, L. 

Tufted Duck. Jap. ' Kinkurohajiro-gamo.' 
A common duck daring winter in Toukiyau. Migrates to Yezo. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 
1879, p. 22.) 

46. Fuligula febina, L. 

Pochard. Jap. ' Hoahihajiro.' 
One specimen obtained at Hakodate is in the Museum there. 
Common in the early months of the year about Yokohama. 

47. NtBocA febbuginea, Gm. 

Jap. * Akahajiro.' 
A few specimens obtained in Toukiyau and Yokohama, and Yezo 
specimen in the Hakodate Museum. (Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 22.) 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

48. Clangula histbionica, L. 

Harlequin Duck. Jap. ' Shinori-gamo.' 
More common in Yezo than on the Main Island. Specimens in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 

49. Clangula glaucion, L. 

Golden Eye. Jap. ' Hojiro-gamo.* 
Probably the most numerous kind of sea- duck in Yezo. Generally 
distributed about the coast. Frequents the rivers and bays south in 
the winter. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 
(Whitely, ' Ibis/ 1867, p. 208.) 

50. Habelda glacialis, L. 

Long-tailed Duck. 
Common on the coasts of Yezo ; not yet found south. Specimens 
in the Hakodate Museum. (Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, p. 208: Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,' 1877, p. 147.) 

Digitized by 




S teller' s Western Duck. 
Shot by Mr. H. J. Snow daring winter on Eturup, one of the Kuril 
Islands. Specimen in the Hakodate Museum from Kamschatka. 

52. (Edemia fusca, L. 

Velvet Scoter. Jap. ' KiiTO-tori.' 
Common in Yezo ; also obtained at Sendai, and occasionally about 
Yokohama. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 
(Swinhoe, • Ibis/ 1875, p. 457.) 

58. (Edemia Americana, Rich. 

American Scoter. Jap. * Kuro-gamo.' 
Obtained in Yezo, and also in the Yokohama game- market. Speci- 
mens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, ' Ibis, 1 
1879, p. 28.) 

54. Mebgulus albellus, L. 

Smew. Jap. ' Miko-aisa.' 
Specimens obtained at Yokohama and in Yezo ; the latter in the 
Hakodate Museum. (Seebohm, • Ibis,* 1879, p. 28.) 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

55. Mergus castor, L. . 

Goosander. Jap. 'Kawa-aisa.' 
Near Toukiyau, and in Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and 
Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,* 1875, p. 456.) 

56. Mergus sebbator, L. 

Red-breasted Mesganser. Jap. 'Umi-aisa.' 
Specimens obtained in Yezo, in the Hakodate Museum. (Swinhoe, 
' Ibis/ 1875, p. 459.) 

57. PhaiiAcbaoobax gabbo, L. 

Cormorant. Jap. 'U.' 
Great numbers roost on the trees at Babasaka, in the centre of 
Toukiyau. Generally found throughout Japan. Specimens in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' p. 164.) 

58. Phalaobacobax pelagicus, Pall. 

Resplendent Shag. Jap. 4 U-garasu.' 

Digitized by 



This bird seems to keep always on the sea, not found inland. 
Great numbers roost at night on Treaty Point, Yokohama, daring the 
winter, bnt do not stop daring the summer. Common on the coast of 
Yezo. Specimens in the Tonkiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1874, 
p. 166, et 1877, p. 147.) 

59. Phalacracorax bicristatus, Pall. 

Double Crested Cormorant. 
Figured in the ' Fauna Japonica.' 


Given in the list of the ' Fauna Japonica ' as S. fusca. 

61. Sterna fuuginosa, Lalto. 

Sooty Tern. 
Figured in the * Fauna Japonica.' • 

62. Sterna minuta, L. 

Lesser Tern. Jap. ' Ajisashi.' 
An example shot in Toukiyau Bay by Mr. Dare, probably this 
species. To be seen fishing on any of the rivers in summer about 
Yokohama, where it breeds. Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

68. Sterna longipennis, Nordm. 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum from Yezo and Eamschatka, 
collected by Mr. N. Fukushi. One killed by Mr.'H. J. Snow at Eturup 
(Kuril Islands); sent to Mr. H. Seebohm for identification. (Seebohm, 
« Ibis,' 1879, p. 28.) 

Another obtained at Yokohama in May-. 

64. Sterna ? 

A wholly white Tern in the collection 6f the Yamashita Haku-butsu- 
kuwan. May be Gygis Candida (Gmel.). (See Seebohm, * Ibis,' 1879, 
p. 23.) 

65. Labus crassebostris, Yieill. 

Black-tailed Gull. Jap. ' Umeneko.' 
The most abundant gull throughout Japan. Specimens in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 'Ibis,' 1862, p. 882: 
Swinhoe, « Ibis,' 1874, p. 161.) 

Digitized by 




66. Labus glaucus, Fobr. 

Glaucous Gull or Burgomaster. Jap. ' Shiro-kamome.' 
Specimens obtained at Hakodate, in the Museum, identified by 
Mr. Howard Saunders. (See Swinhoe, * Ibis/ 1874, p. 165 : Seebohm, 
•Ibis/ 1879, p. 28.) 

67. Labus glaucescens, Licht. 

Large Grey-winged Gull. Jap. * O-washi-kamome.' 
Specimens obtained at Hakodate, in the Museum, identified by Mr. 
Howard Saunders. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1874, p. 165 : Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 
1879, p. 28.) 

68. Labus gachinnans, Pall. 

Mediterranean Herring-Gull. 

Several .specimens collected at Hakodate by Mr. H. Whitely. 
Were placed under the name of L. occidentalism Aud. (' Ibis,' 1867, p. 
210.) Mr. Howard Saunders has decided that they should have been 
named as above. (Seebohm, ' Ibis, 1 1879, p. 24.) 

Common about Yokohama in spring. 

69. Labus canus, Linn. 

Common Gull. 
Specimens in the Hakodate Museum, collected in Yezo and 
Kamschatka. Identified by Mr. Howard Saunders as a large race of 
this species, probably L. niveus of Pallas. (Swinhoe, * Ibis,' 1874, p. 
165 : Seebohm, • Ibis,' 1879, p. 24.) 

70. Labus habinus, L. 

Great Black-backed Gull. Jap. * O-seguro-kamome.' 
Specimen identified by Mr. Howard Saunders. (Swinhoe; * Ibis,' 
1874, p. 165 : Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 1879, p. 24.) 

Specimen in the Hakodate Museum from that locality. 

71. Labus leucoptebus, Faber. 

Iceland Gull. 
On the authority of a specimen from Yezo, identified by Mr. 
Howard Saunders. (P.Z.S., 1878, p. 166.) 

72. Labus delawabenbis, Ord. 

Bing-billed Gull. 

Digitized by 



A specimen collected by Mr. H. Whitely, at Hakodate, is in the 
collection of Mr. Howard Saunders. (Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 24.) 

78. Labus ridibundus, L. 

Black-headed Gull. Jap. ' Yuri-kamom.' 

Specimens obtained from various localities. Leaves Yezo in winter. 
Assumes black head in April. . 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyan Museums. (Swinhoe, 
• Ibis/ 1874, p. 165 165 : Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 24.) 

74. Rissa tridactyla, L. 

Kittiwake Gull. 
A specimen obtained at Nemoro, at the eastern extremity of Yezo, 
is in the Hakodate Museum. Another, collected at Toukiyau, is 
referred to this species or R. septeutTJonalis of Lawrence, the North 
Pacific Kittiwake, pending proper identification. 

75. Stercorarius, sp. inc. * 

Skua. ' 
Specimens in Hakodate Museum ; collected at Kuril Islands by Mr. 
H. J. Snow. 

76. Diomedea derogata, Swinhoe. 

Flesh-billed Black Albatross. Jap. ' Kuro-ahodori. ' 
Common in Yezo at midsummer. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1874, p. 165.) 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museum. 

77. Diomedea bhachyura, Temm. 

Black and white Albatross. Jap. ' Ahodori.' 
More abundant in southern than in northern Japan. The young 
resembling D. Derogata. Is figured in the ' Fauna Japonica.' Speci- 
mens in the Hakodate Museum from Yezo, and in the Toukiyau 

78. Fulmarus Teniurostris, Aud. 

Slender-billed Fulmar. 
Two specimens in the Hakodate Museum in immature plumage. 
Obtained in the Kuril Islands by Mr. H. J. Snow. 

79. Fulmarus pacificus, Lawrence=P. pacifica, Aud. 

Pacific Fulmar. 

Digitized by 



Specimens obtained from the Kuril Islands in the Hakodate Museum. 
(Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 25.) 

80. Pbocellabia leucobbhoa, Yieill. 

Storm Petrel. Jap. ' Umi-tsubame.' 
Specimens from the Kuril Islands in the Hakodate Museum.* One 
sent to Dr. P. L. Sclater in 1878. (' Ibis,' 1878, p. 218.) 

81. Pbocellabia fubcata, Sould. 

Fork-tailed Petrel. 
A specimen in the Hakodate Museum from the Kuril Islands is 
referred to this species. 


Figured in the ' Fauna Japonica ' under this name. 


Shearwater. Jap. 'Ume-kamome.' 
A specimen obtained after a typhoon at Yoshino, Yamato, forty 
miles distant from the nearest sea ; is now in the Kiyou-iku Haku-butsu- 
kuwan collection. Agrees with the figure in the 'Fauna Japonica.' 
Another picked up, very much decayed, on the beach at Kamakura. 

84. Chabadbius fulvus, Gm. 

Eastern Golden Plover. Jap. ' Muneguro-shigi.' 
Common throughout Japan. Specimens in' the Hakodate and 
Toukiyau Museums. 

This bird has received the name of oiwitalis, and has also been 
confounded with C. virginicus, but the latter is a larger species not yet 
found. in Asia. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1874, p. 162, et 1875, p. 452: 
Whitely, ' Ibis,' 1867, p. 204 : Seebohm, ' Ibis/ p. 25.) 

85. jEgialitis cantiana, Lath. 

Kentish Plover. Jap. ' Shiro-chidori.' 

Specimens obtained in the Main Island and Yezo in the Hakodate 
Museum ; also in the Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, * Ibis ', 1862, p. 
880 : Swinhoe, « Ibis, 1 1875, p. 452.) 

Common in winter about Yokohama. 

Digitized by 



86. JEgialitis placida, Gray. 

Harting's Band-Plover. Jap. ' Ikaru-chidori. , 
Specimens collected in Yezo ; in the Hakodate Museum ; also in the 
Tonkiyau Museums. Common in winter about Yokohama. (Swinhoe, 

• Ibis/ 1874, p. 162.) 

87. iEGiALins dubia, Scoy.=Curonica8, Gm. 

Found breeding on the shores of Yamanaka Lake, Fuji-san; obtained 
at Hakodate and Yokohama. Specimens in the Hakodate and 1'oukiyau 
Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis, 1 1875, p. 452 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1869, p. 

88. JEgiautis mongolica, "Bol\.=Ruficapilla f Temm. 

Specimens obtained both from neighbourhood of Yokohama and 
Hakodate, in the Hakodate Museum ; also in the Toukiyau Museums. 
(E. geofroyi, which is distinct from this species, is said to be found in 
Japan. (Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 25.) 

89. Vanellus cristatus, Mey. 

Lapwing. Jap. ( Tagere.' 
Specimens obtained at Toukiyau and Niigata and at Hakodate 
in Yezo ; it does not seem to be a common bird in Yezo, but is very 
abundant about Kawasaki. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau 
Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis, 1 1876, p. 884.) 


Jap. 'Kire.' 
This bird has not been found as far north as Yezo. Specimen in 
the Hakodate Museum is from Toukiyau, also in the Toukiyau Museums* 
Breeds about Susaki, Toukiyau. The male is very vigilant, mounting 
high up in the air and with loud laughing cries driving off any kite or 
hawk directly one appears hovering near where the hen is sitting. The 
eggs are laid among the grass growing on the ridges which intersect the 
paddy-fields ; they are four in number, and resemble the lapwing, but are 
not so pointed. Breeds in April. 

91. Squatarola helvetica, L. 

Gray Plover. 

• Common in spring and autumn in Yezo, but not so abundant as 

Digitized by 



the Golden Plover. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. Common in 
spring and autumn at Yokohama. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, p. 452.) 

92. Stbepselas intebpres, L. 

Turnstone. Jap. ' Kiyo-jiyau shigi.* 
Seems to be more common on the Main Island than in Yezo. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 
1879, p. 26.) 

98. Hjematopus osculans, Swinhoe. 

Eastern Oyster-catcher. Jap. ' Miyako shigi.' 
Specimens obtained about Yokohama, and in Yezo ; in the Hakodate 
and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, * Ibis,' 1879, p. 26.) 

94. Totanus incanus, Gm. 

Grey Sandpiper. 

This is one of the most common Sandpipers in Japan. Specimens 
from various localities on the Main Island and Yezo in the Hakodate 

It is figured in the 'Fauna Japonica 1 as T. pulverulentus, and 
included in Mr. H. Whitely's list (' Ibis/ 1867, p. 205) under that 

Specimens in spring and autumn plumage, which differ considerably, 

were identified by the late Mr. B. Swinhoe. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1874, p. 
168, et 1875, p. 458.) 

95. Totanus glottis, L. 

Greenshank. Jap. ( Awo-ashi chidori.' 

Common in Yezo, and obtained about Yokohama. Specimens in the 
Hakodate Museum. 

This is probably the T. brevipes mentioned by M. Cassin. (Proc. 
Acad. Phil. 1858.) 

96. Totanus caltdeis, Bechst. 

Common Redshank. 
Specimens — probably this species — sent to Mr. H. Seebohm for 
identification; appears to be not uncommon in the autumn about 

97. Totanus fusous, L. # 

Spotted Redshank. 
vol. vm. * 25 

Digitized by 



Several specimens collected in Yezo, in the Hakodate "Museum. Also 
obtained near Toukiyau. Specimens in the Museums there. (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,' 1875, p. 453.) 

98. Totanus OCHEOPUS, L. 

Green Sandpiper. 
Examples from Toukiyau, Nagasaki, and several localities in Yezo 
compared. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Blakiston, .' Ibis/ 
1862, p. 330 : Swinhoe, ■ Ibis/ 1875, p. 458.) 

99. Totanus glaeeola, L. 

Wood Sandpiper. 
Specimens from Yezo and the Kuril Islands in the Hakodate 
Museum. (Whitely, 'Ibis, 1 1867, p. 205: Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 1874, p. 169.) 

100. Tringoides hypoleucus, L. 

Common on rivers, both on the Main Island and Yezo. Specimens 
in the Hakodate Museum. Differences in plumage attributed to season 
only. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 1874, p. 168, 1875, p. 458.) 

101. Limosa uropigialis, Gould. 

Godwit. Jap. ' Kojiyaku chidori.' 
Specimens from Toukiyau and Yezo in the Hakodate Museum. 
This species is given in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as L, rufa, the Bar-tailed 
Godwit of Europe, and is probably that noted by Cassin from Japan, 
Proc. Acad. Phil. 1858. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, p. 458.) 

102. Limosa bbevipes, G. R. Gray. 

Godwit. Jap. ' Sorihashi chidori/ 
Specimens collected in Yezo in the Hakodate Museum. Specimen 
in the Yamashita Haku-buteu-kuwan seems very dark ; may be another 
species. (Swinhoe, * Ibis/ 1875, p. 453.) 

103. Eecubvieostea avocetta, L. 

This is given in the ' Fauna Japonica ' under the name of Limosa 
recurvirostra. Mr. G. Hamilton states that he saw such a bird some 
years ago at Sasaki, Toukiyau. , 

104. Tbinga orassirostris, T. & S. 
# Eastern Knot. 

Digitized by 



A single specimen of this bird, which is figured in the ' Fauna 
Japonica,' was obtained at Hakodate in 1861. (Blakiston, * Ibis/ 1862, 
p. 880.) It is probably the species included by Cassin, as T. magna. 
Proc. Acad. Phil. 1858. Specimens obtained in Yezo in the Hakodate 
Museum. (Seebohm, 'Ibis/ 1879, p. 26.) 

Common about Yokohama in the autumn. 

105. Tringa ctnclus, Linn. 

A number of specimens in the Hakodate Museum, having the. usual 
variability of plumage and length of bill. Toukiyau and Yezo examples 
compared. (Blakiston, ■ Ibis, 1 1862, p. 880 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1875, 
p. 455.) 

Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

106. Tringa acuminata, Horsf. 

Specimens from Yezo in the Hakodate Museum ; often obtained 
near Yokohama. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, p. 455.) 

107. Tringa albescens, Gould. 

Obtained in Yezo, and at Yokohama. Specimens in the Hakodate 
Museum. (Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 880, as Trtemmincki: Whitely, 
'Ibis/ 1867, p. 206, as T. minuta: Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 1875, p. 

108. Tringa ruficollis, Pallus. 

Specimens collected in Yezo in the Hakodate Museum. Duplicates 
were identified by the late Mr. R. Swinhoe as T. damacensis, Horsf. 
(' Ibis/ 1875, p. 455.) Mr. H. Seebohm considers this bird should 
stand as ruficollis. (' Ibis/ 1879, p. 26.) 

109. Tringa maoulata, Vieill. (?) 

The existence of this species is doubtful. There are two specimens 
which may be distinct in the Hakodate Museum. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, 
p. 455.) 

110. Calidris arenaria, L. • 


Digitized by 



Specimens obtained on the douth-east coast of Yezo in the Hakodate 
Museum. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis, 1 1876, p. 454.) 

111. Machetes pugnax, L. 

A specimen obtained in Yezo, now in the Hakodate Museum, is 
referred to this species. 


Bed-necked Ph alar ope. 
Specimens in both spring and autumn plumage, collected in Yezo, 
are in the Hakodate Museum. (Swinhoe, l Ibis,' 1875, p. 455.) 

118. Lobipes wilsonh, Lob. (?) 

Specimens collected by Mr. H. J. Snow on the Kuril Islands, 
where he also found L. hyperboreusi in the Hakodate Museum. About 
the same form and size as the American species. 


Spoon-billed Sandpiper. Jap. ' Hira-shigi.' 
Two specimens obtained in Yezo of this peculiar bird are in the 
Hakodate Museum. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis,* 1875, p. 455.) One obtained in 
Yokohama in October and another by Mr. Ota at Toukfyau. 


Woodcock. Jap* ' Hodo-shigi. , 
The woodcock of Japan in not distinguishable from that of Europe. 
It varies much in shade of plumage, and sometimes is found entirely of 
a creamy white. . It seems to be generally distributed, but is only found 
in Yezo during the warm season. Specimens in the Hakodate and Tou- 
kiyau Museums. (Whitely, * Ibis,' 1867, p. 206 : Swinhoe, « Ibis,* 1877, 
p. 145: Seebohm, 'Ibis,' 1879, p. 26.) 

116. Gallinago Australia, Lath. 

Great Australian Snipe. Jap. ' Yama-shigi.' 
This bird was obtained on Fuji-san in June and July. It is 
common in Yezo, where it was first discovered «to be a Japanese bird in 
1861. (Blakiston, ' Ibis/ 1868, p. 100.) Specimens in the Hakodate 
Museum. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1868, p. 444, et 1874, p. 168 : Seebohm 
4 Ibis/ 1879, p. 26.) 

Breeds at the foot of Fuji-sail. 

Digitized by 



117. Galunago scolopacina, Bp. 

Common Snipe. Jap. * Ji-shigi.' 
Common throughout Japan. Specimens from several localities in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. The plumage is darker in autumn 
than in spring, owing to which the late Mr. R. Swinhoe considered that 
some of the specimens sent him were the American species, G. mhonii, 
but these have subsequently been carefully compared by Mr. H. Seebohm 
with European examples, who pronounces all to be G. scolopacina. 
(Swinhoe, 'Ibis, 1 1874, p. 163, et 1875, p. 454: Seebohm, « Ibis/ 
1879, p. 27.) 

118. Galunago Solttabia, Hodgs. 

Common at Yokohama ; often found on up-lands. Found also at 
Nagasaki and a few in Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau 
Museums. (Swinhoe, • Ibis,* 1877, p. 146.) 

Mr. H. Whitely included G. medium his list (' Ibis, 1 1867, p. 206), 
which probably referred to this species. 

119. Gallinagx) gallinula, L. 

Jack Snipe. 

This is evidently a rare bird in Japan. Mr. Whitely obtained only 
one at Hakodate (' Ibis,' 1867, p. 206), and there is only one in the 
Hakodate Museum, which has been carefully compared with a European 
example. Another shot by Mr. Olmsted near Yokohama in October, 

N. B. — The Painted Snipe will be found in this order of classification 
between the Cranes and Bails. 


One specimen obtained in Yezo, in the Hakodate Museum, is referred 
to this species. . 


Curlew. Jap. ' Oho-shiyaku shigi.' 
Hakodate specimens in the Museum there agree with the * Fauna 
Japonica' plate. (Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, p! 205: Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 
1876, p. 884.) 


Curlew. Jap. ' Shiyaku shigi. 1 

Digitized by 



This diminutive curlew is figured in the ' Fauna Japonica.' 

128. Numenius au stralis, Gould. 
. Curlew. 
Yezo specimens in the Hakodate Museum. Identified by the late 
Mr. R. Swinhoe. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1876, p. 884, et 1868, p. 445.) 

124. Numenius phcepus. Lath. 

Whimbrel. Jap. 4 ito-shiyaku-shigi.' 
Obtained both near Toukiyau and in Yezo. Specimens in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. This is probably the N. tahitensis of 
Perry's expedition. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1877, p. 146.) 

125. Ibis nippon, T. & S. 

Japan Ibis. Jap. ' Toki. 1 
Common on the flats around the head of Toukiyau Bay. Breeds in 
Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
• Ibis,' 1875, p. 455.) 

126. Ibis pbopinqua, Swinh. 

Ibis. Jap. ' Kuro-toki.' 
Not uncommon about Ohomori, Toukiyau. One specimen from that 
locality in the Hakodate Museum. Not observed in Yezo, and no 
specimen yet sent to Europe for identification. Specimens in the Tou- 
kiyau Museums. 

127. Platalea major, T. & S. 

Spoonbill. Jap. ' Hira-sagi.' « 

Not a common bird. 'Mr. H. Whitely obtained a specimen at 

Hakodate (' Ibis,' 1867, p. 204), and another procured there is in the 

Hakodate Museum. 

P. minor of the ' Fauna Japonica ' is now considered to be only a 

small example of the above. (Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 1879, p. 27.) 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

128. Nycticorax griseus, Linn. 

Night Heron. Jap. ' Seguro-gowi.' 
Generally distributed in South Japan. Eggs and young obtained 
from a heronry below Kauchi Castle, Tosa, in July. Nest placed on 

Digitized by 



highest branches of tall trees. Eggs a white bluish green color. 
Specimens in the Hakodate Museum from Toukiyau. Also in the 
Museums there. (Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1877, p. 146.) 

129. Goisachtus melanolophus, Raffles. 
Jap. 'Miso-gowi.' 
This is probably the Ardea gaisagi of the ' Fauna Japonica,' which has 
been confounded with the young of the common Night Heron. Several 
specimens obtained about Toukiyau. No examples have been sent to 
Europe for identification. 


Bittern. Jap. * Sankano-gowi.' 
Observed about' Toukiyau. Specimens obtained in Yezo in the 
Hakodate Museum ; also in the Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 

1875, p. 455.) - 

181. Abdetta sinensis, Gm. 

Chinese Little Bittern. 
Specimens obtained in Yezo and at Nagasaki in the Hakodate 
Museum ; also in the Toukiyau Museums. The Ardea scapularis of 
the 4 Fauna Japonica ' is possibly referrible to this species. (Seebohm, 
'Ibis,'1879, p. 27.) 

182. Ardetta eurhythma, Swinh. 

Von Schrenck's Little Bittern. Jap. « Yoshi-gowi. , 
Specimens obtained in Yezo in the Hakodate Museum. (Swinhoe, 
• Ibis,' 1876, p* 885.) 

188. Ardea cinerea, L. 

Common Heron. Jap. ' Awo-sagi.' 
Occasionally seen about Toukiyau. An example from Nagasaki 
compared. Specimens obtained in Yezo and at Awomori, in the 
Hakodate Museum ; also in the Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 

1876, p. 885.) 

184. Herodias modesta, Gray. 

Great Egret. Jap. * Oho-sagi.' 
This bird is generally considered by ornithologists as only a small 
race of H. alba of Europe. (Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 1879, p. 27.) It arrives 

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at Toukiyau in April, and is tolerably abundant. Specimens obtained at 
Hakodate, in the Museum there; also in the Toukiyau Museums. 
(Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1876, p. 885.) . 

185. Hbbodias intebmedia, Wagl. 

Egret. Jap. * Chiu*sagi.' 
Specimens agree with A. egrettoides figured in the ' Fauna Japonica.' 
Bill bright orange, tipped with horn color in summer. Specimens from 
Toukiyau and Yezo in the Hakodate Museum ; also in the Toukiyau 

186. Hebodias garzetta, Linn. 

Little Egret. Jap. ' Shira-sagi.' 
A very common bird in South Japan. Specimens sent to Mr. H. 
Seebohm for identification. (Seebohm, ' Ibis,* 1879, p. 27.) Nests in 
tall trees. Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

187. Hebodias bussata, Wagl. 

Buff-backed Egret. Jap. ' Ama-sagi.' 

Seems to be rather abundant in the south. Several examples in 
the Museums in Toukiyau. No specimen yet sent for identification to 
Europe. Is included in the ' Fauna Japonica.' 

Note. — Mr. Ota has two specimens of a black Egret, obtained on 
the Island of Tsushima, in the Sea of Japan. 

188. Hebodias,—? 

One specimen procured in Hakodate, now in the museum there. 
Measurements are : — Length, 488 mm.; wing, 200 mm.; bill-ridge, 60 
mm. Head and neck resemble the Night Heron ; wings nea/ly white, 
back dark mouse colour, belly white. 

189. Ciconia boyciana, Swinh. 

Japan Stork. Jap. ' Ko-dzuru.' 
This bird was described as new from Japan by the late Mr. It. 
Swinhoe. It is occasionally obtained about Toukiyau. There are 
living examples in the gardens of the Yamashita Haku-butsu-kuwaii* and 
a skin in the Eiyou-iku Haku-butsu-kuwan, and both Drs. Manning and 
Ahlburg preserved specimens. 
140. Gbtjs communis, Bechst.=Ci'wma, Bechst. 

Common Crane. 

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Figured in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as Grus cinerea hngirostris ; is 
considered to be the same as the common Crane of Europe. » 

141. Grus leucogeranus, Pall. 

White Crane. 
Figured in the 'Fauna Japonica' in white plumage, with rust 
brown head, or all white, vermilion bill and legs. Is considered to be 
the White Crane of Europe. 

142. Grus leucauchen, T. . 

Crane. Jap. * Tan-chiyau.' 
This is the national Crane of Japan, so commonly given in native 
drawings, and much and deservedly admired. It was formerly only 
allowed to be hawked with great ceremony by nobles of the highest 
rank. Live examples may be seen at the Yamashita Haku-butsu-kuwan. 
A specimen obtained near Satsuporo, Yezo, as late as January, is in the 
Hakodate Museum. 

148. Grus monachus, T. 

Crane. Jap. ' Nabe-dzuru.' 
Not uncommon in the neighborhood of Toukiyau, from which 
locality is a specimen in the Hakodate* Museum. Figured in the 
4 Fauna Japonica.' 

144. Grus antigone, Linn. 

Crane. Jap. * Mana-dzuru.' 

This is the most abundant Crane, and is a choice game-bird with 
the Japanese. It is distinguished from the young of the ' Tafi-chiyau ' by 
the long tertial plume feathers being white. There is a specimen in the 
Kai-taku-shi Museum at Toukiyau, said to have been procured in Yezo. 
From the description sent Mr. H. Seebohm of a specimen from Toukiyau 
in the Hakodate Museum, he considers it to be G. antigone. (Seebohm, 
4 Ibis,' 1879, p. 28.) 

It is singular that this Crane is not included in the * Fauna 

145. Rhynchcea bengalensis, L. 

Painted Snipe. Jap. * Tama-shigi.' 
vol. vm. ' 26 

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This Snipe is known to sportsmen in the south. It has been 
found breeding on Fuji- sail. Example from Nagasaki has been com- 
pared. Specimen from Yokohama in the Hakodate Museum ; also in 
the Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1877, p. 146.) 

146. Rallus indicus, Blyth. 

Indian Water- Bail. Jap. 4 Euhina.* 
Generally distributed throughout Japan, including Yezo. Some 
breed about Yokohama. Specimens in the Toukiyau and Hakodate 
Museums. When the 'Fauna Japonica' was published it was not 
considered distinct* from the European species B. aquaticus, and was 
included in Mr. H. Whiteley's list also under this name. (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,' 1874, p. 168.) 


Bed-breasted Bail. Jap. ' Hi-kuhina.' 
This Bail is likewise generally distributed. Specimens in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, ' Ibis/ 1862, p. 881 : 
Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1874, p. 168.) 

148. Pobzana pygmea, Naum. 

Baillon's Crake. Jap. ' Hime-kuhina.' 
A specimen obtained in Yezo, now in the Hakodate Museum, is 
referred to this European species. (Swinhoe, • Ibis,' 1876, p. 885.) 

149. Pobzana exquisita, Swinh. 

Button Crake. • Jap. ' Shima-kuhina.' 
Specimens collected in Yezo in the Hakodate Museum. The late 
Mr. B. Swinhoe, who described this bird, identified a specimen sent 
him. (' Ibis,' 1876, p. 885.) The species is figured in the ' Ibis ' for 
1875, Pt. HI. 

150. Gallinula - chlobopus, L. 

Moorhen. Jap. •Ban.' 
Found both on the Main Island and Yezo. Specimens in the 
Hakodate Museum compared with European examples. Also in the 
Toukiyau Museums. 


, Coot. Jap. * Oho -ban.' 

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Common on the rivers north of Toukiyau. Specimen shot at 

Hakodate. Figured in the 'Fauna Japonica' as. F. atra japoniea. 

Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

152. Otis tarda, L. 

Bustard. Jap. 'No-gan.' 

A bird supposed to be a great Bustard was brought into the Hiyaugo 

market quite fresh in December, 1876. It weighed 18} pounds. It 

probably was of this species, which is found at Shanghai, Hankow, and 

Peking in winter. The Japanese are acquainted with the bird, and their 

ornithologists class it with the geese. 

158. Phasianus vebsicolob, Vieill. 

Green Pheasant. Jap. ( KizmY 
General throughout Eiushiu, and the southern islands, tod as far 
as the northern extremity of the Main Island, but does not inhabit 
Yezo. It readily interbreeds with the Chinese P. torquatm, the hybrid 
being a remarkably fine bird, surpassing in beauty either of its parents. 
A female in male plumage was short by Mr. Dare in November, 1877. 
Many others have since been obtained. Specimens in the Hakodate 
and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1875, p. 452.) Eggs, 5 to 
6, dark olive, very much depressed. 

154. Phasianus scemmerringi, T. 

Copper Pheasant. Jap. ' Yamadori.* 
The range of this species is similar to the last, not crossing the 
Strait of Tsugaru into Yezo. It frequents the plains and higher parts of 
the mountains indifferently. The Japanese have succeeded in obtaining 
in capitivity hybrids of this and the Green Pheasant. Of a pair which • 
we have seen, the female is large, the male small but of very 
gorgeous plumage. In both, the tail of the Green Pheasant was present, 
and the hen, except for her size, had little to distinguish her from that 
species. Eggs 5 to 6, about 2 inches long, and resemble a pullet's egg, 
white, with a tinge of reddish. 

155. Tbtrastbs bonasia, L. 

Hazel Grouse. 

Jap. ' Yezo rai-teu : Jap. in Yezo, ' Yamadori.' 

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This wood-grouse — which is a European species — seems not to be 
found south of the Strait of Tsugaru separating Yezo from the Main 

156. Laoopus mutus, Gould. 

Ptarmigan. Jap. ' Rai-teu.' 
Some specimens of what appear to be this species in the collection 
of the Yamashita Haku-butsu-kuwan are from Eaga ; it is also said to be 
found in Ofitakesan, on the -borders of Shin-shiu.- We are very anxious 
to obtain examples for proper comparison with the European bird, and 
would draw the attention of travellers in mountainous parts of Japan 
to the desirability of collecting. Lagopus Mutus was included in the 
' Fauna Japonica ' on the authority of a Japanese drawing. 


Bed-throated Quail. Jap. ' Udzura.' 

The quail is found more or less throughout Japan. It migrates 
northward in spring and southward in autumn, being abundant in Yezo 
during summer, where an occasional one is found during a mild winter. 
It has been observed breeding in the vicinity of Yamanaka Lake, 
Fuji- san, and about Toukiyau. 

Ornithologists differ in opinion as to whether the Japan bird is 
distinct from the common quail, Coturnix communis, Bonn, The late 
Mr. R. Swinhoe considered the South China bird — without the red-., 
throat — as communis, while that obtained by him at Chefoo, which 
he compared with Hakodate specimens, as japonica. (Swinhoe, * Ibis/ 
1875, p. 126 and 452.) Mr. F. Ringer collected specimens at Nagasaki 
in January and December, which appear to agree with the South China 
bird. Eggs 6, dirty white, patched with red-brown. 

158. Columbu ltvia, Temm. (?) 

Rock Pigeon. Jap. 'Kahara-bato.' 
A blue rock pigeon which breeds in the famous cave of Bcfiten- 
sama, on Yenoshima, may be of this or an allied species. 

159. Turtur gelastes, Temm. 

Eastern Turtle-Dove. Jap. ' Kizhi-bato.* 
Remains all the year round on the plains, but is most abundant in 
winter. In Yezo only in summer. It breeds in the neighbourhood of 

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Yokohama even as late as November, Mr. J. Dare having found a nest 
with eggs oa the 4th November; and Mr. G. H. Olmsted one containing 
folly fledged young on the 25th of the same month. (Whitely as 
T. rupicola, ' Ibis/ 1867, p. 204 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1874, p. 162.) 


Barbary Dove. Jap. • Shirako-bato. 1 
This species, which also inhabits North China, arrives about 
Toukiyau in April, and is often brought alive to market in large numbers. 
Light fawn-color varieties are found, which also occur in China. It 
breeds very late, young birds being obtained in November. Not yet 
procured in Yezo. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1876, p. 884 et 1877, p. 145.) 

161. Treron seeboldi, Temm. 

Siebold's Green Pigeon. Jap. 4 Awo-bato.' 
This bird seems peculiar to Japan; it is figured in the 'Fauna 
Japonica ' and received its name as a tribute to its discoverer. The 
native hunters attract it within shot by imitating its long and varied 
* coo.* In Yezo it is found only during summer, where its seems to 
prefer moderately high wooded bluffs adjoining the sea-shore, on the sands 
of which it frequently alights. It is a late breeding bird, two very young 
ones having been obtained in the Yokohama game-market in December. 
(Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, p. 204 : Swinhoe, 'Ibis ' 1875, p. 452.) 

162. Carpophaga ianthina, T. & S. 

Crow Pigeon. Jap. ' Karasu-bato." 
Abundant on Sarushima, Toukiyau Bay. The ' coo ' is loud and 
is accompanied by the bird spreading its tail and clashing its pinion 
feathers together. Seen also in Shikoku. 

168. Cuculus canorus, L. 

Cuckoo. Jap. 'Kako.' 
This is supposed to be identical with the European Cuckoo, its . 
habits and note being the same, bat by some ornithologists it has been 
called C canorinus, or the eastern form of the common Cuckoo. It is 
common about Fuji-san, and inhabits Yezo in summer. It was 
obtained at Hakodate by Commodore Perry!s expedition. (Blakiston, 
'Ibis,' 1862, p. 825: Whitely, 'Ibis, 1 1867, p. 195: Swinhoe, 
•Ubis/ 1875, p. 451.) 

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Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums from various 

164. Cuculub poliocephalus. Lath. 

Cuckoo. Jap. • Ho-to-tp-gisu.' 

This bird is a miniature of the preceding species, but is easily 
separable, as the traverse bars on the breast are much broader and the 
centre tail feather has seventeen alternate white spots, the first 
six being nearly opposed and the last pair being confluent. There is 
only a slight indication of spots on the tail of C. canorus. The male is 
very much smaller, measuring only 6J inches from the shoulder to the 
end of the pinion feathers against 8£ inches in canorus. The female is 
large and measures 7} inches from the shoulder. The chin and throat are 
grey, the breast and belly white, with broad traverse black bars ; under 
tail coyerts plain, with a rufous tinge. Immature birds spotted. The 
breast of the female is nearly black. 

The note is very different from the Cuckoo, being the syllables 
' ho-tuk-tuk ' constantly repeated as it flies from bush to bush. It is very 
restless, seldom remaining in the same place for a minute. 

This bird haB the unfortunate reputation of possessing wonderful 
medicinal qualities, and is much hunted by the Japanese, a paste made 
of the burnt feathers being used as a salve for cuts and wounds, and 
the bird roasted whole or reduced to charcoal is eaten as a cure for 
consumption, eye-disease and other disorders. This bird is mentioned 
by Kampfer. He calls it a night bird, but has fortunately given a 
drawing of it with the Japanese name in Chinese characters, and has 
thus enabled us to identify it. 

Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

165. Cuculus hd£alayanus, Vigors. 

Cuckoo. Jap. ' Tsu-tsu-dori.' 
This bird exactly resembles C. poliocephalus, but is much larger, the 
wing measuring 8 inches from the shoulder. It has the same number of 
spots on the tail, but they are not so large. The bill is shorter and rather 
more curved. Its note is very deep and can be heard for a long distance. 
It resembles the syllables ' hoo-hoo ' twice in succession and then a 
pause. Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. * 

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166. Heibococcyx fugax. Horsf. 

Cuckoo. Jap. ' Zhifu-ichi.' 

The back of the male is slaty black, inclining to rufous. It has a 
white collar partially extending round the back of the neck, the tail is 
barred like a hawk, and the breast is white, with scattered brown 
feathers and with large longitudinal dark brown stripes. The female 
is darker on the back ; the breast is a uniform reddish brown without 
stripes. It measures 8 inches from the shoulder to the end of the 

It is not so common as the other Cuckoos, but fully makes up for 
it by extra vociferousness and activity. The male is fond of perching 
on the summit of a dead tree, spreading out its wings, elevating its tail 
and repeating the word ' zhifu-ichi ' (Jap. for 11), at first slowly and 
then gradually faster and faster, until it cannot articulate any longer. 
It then tumbles off its perch and flits to another, and repeats the 

The Japanese are superstitious concerning this bird, as it is seldom 
seen near dwellings, and they believe that its visits to them portends 
an earthquake, as its cry is thought to resemble the word 'ji-shiii' 
Jajf. for c earthquake '), and it goes by the name of the • Ji-shin-teu,' i.e. 
' Earthquake bird, 1 in some parts of the country. 

Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

167. Picus major, L. 

Spotted Woodpecker. Jap. 'Akagera.' 
This is a European species. It inhabits the Main Island and Yezo, 
and has been found breeding on Fuji-san. This is the most abundant 
woodpecker. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 
(Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 825: Whitely, 'Ibis,' 1867, p. 195: 
Swinhoe, * Ibis,' 1875, p. 451.) 

168. Picus minor, L. 

Lesser Spotted Woodpecker. 

Specimens obtained as Satsuporo, in Yezo, by Mr. Fukushi, in the 
Hakodate Museum, and one in the Kai-taku-shi Museum in Shiba, 

Of a skin sent to Mr. H. Seebohm, that gentleman remarked that it 

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was intermediate in color and form between P. minor of North Europe 
and Asia, and the small dingy race of West and Southern Europe. 
(Seebohm, 'Ibis/ 1879, p. 29.) 

169. Picus leuconotus, Bechst. 

White-rumped Woodpecker. Jap. ' Oho-akagera.' 
This is also a European species, and inhabits Southern Japan as 
well as Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 
(Blakiston, ' Ibis/ 1862, p. 826 : Whitely as uralensis, ' Ibis/ 1867, 
p. 195 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, p. 461.) 

170. Pious kisuej, T. & S. 

Woodpecker. Jap. ' Ko-gera.' 

This species, which is supposed to be peculiar to Japan, was 
discovered by Siebold. . It seems generally distributed throughout the 
country, including Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
• Ibis/ 1862, p. 825 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875 1 , p. 451.) 

171. Dryocopus maetius, L. 

Great Black Woodpecker. Jap. ' Kuma-gera.' 
This is the European species. Is common in Yezo, but nbt 
yet found South. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Blakiston 
'Ibis/ 1862, p. 825 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, p. 451.) 

172. Gecinus canus, Gm. 

Grey-headed Woodpecker. Jap. 'Yama-gera.' 
Also a European species, which in Japan seems to be confined to 
Yezo, itg place on the Main Island being taken by an essentially local 
species, G. atvokera. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/ 1862, p. 825: Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, 195: Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 
1876, p. 451.) 

178. Gecinxjs awokera, T. & S. 

Japan Green Woodpecker. Jap. 'Awo-gera.* 

Described and figured in the 'Fauna Japonica.' May be dis- 
tinguished by its scarlet moustache. So far only found on the Main 
Island, but probably inhabits the southern islands also. 

Specimens from Yokohama in the Hakodate Museum ; also in the 
Toukiyau Museum. 

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174. Yunx JAFONICA, £p. 

Eastern Wryneck. Jap. 4 Arisu.' 
Obtained in Yezo and at Nagasaki and Fuij-san. Specimens in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums.' 

This bird also inhabits China. (Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1874, p. 162.) 

175. Alcedo benoalensis, Gm. 

Kingfisher. Jap. ' Kaha-semi.' 
In the East this kingfisher takes the place of that of Europe, and 
to ordinary observers might be taken for it. It varies slightly in size 
and color. Seems to be generally distributed throughout Japan, 
including Nagasaki and Yezo, in which latter locality it is only, however, 
a summer visitor. Eggs white and round ; nest in a hole in a bank. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 'Ibis,' 
1862, p. 325 : Whitely, ' Ibis,' 1867, p. 196 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1874, 
p. 152.) 

176. Cebtle guttata, Vigors. 

Kingfisher. Jap. ' Kahan-teu. 1 
This fine kingfisher was given in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as 
C. lugvbris. It frequents mountain streams, generally in pairs, both on 
the Main Island and Yezo ; is occasionally found on the latter island in 
winter. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
< Ibis/ 1875, p. 449.) 

177. Halcyon ooromanda, Bodd. 

Kingfisher. Jap. ' Kiyau-roro.' 
The brilliant plumage of this bird is sure to attract attention. It is 
very vociferous in rainy weather, when its mournful cry ' kiyauroro,' can 
be heard at a long distance. It is not uncommon on the Main Island, 
and is found also during the summer season in Yezo. Specimens in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 29.) 


Jap. ' Buposo.' 

Until the present year we were inclined to regard the Japanese 

Buposo as a mythical bird. It is well known by name, but reported to 

be very rarely seen, and we thought it might be the Pitta mentioned in 

the ' Fauna Japonica.' In May last the elder Mr. Ota procured a 

vol. vni. 27 

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specimen at Nagasaki, which is a Eurystomus and probably orientalis. 
The younger Mr. Ota, on seeing this specimen, remembers haying found 
a feather of this same bird on Eau-ya-san in Kii some years ago. 

179. Upupa epops, L. (?) 

Hoopoe. Jap. ' Yatsugashira/ 
This bird was included in the ' Fauna Japonica ' on the authority ' 
of a Japanese drawing. M. Maximovitch noted having seen it at 
Hakodate in 1861. (Blakiston, 'Ibis,* 1862,* p. 827.) A specimen 
obtained off the south-east coast of Yezo in the Hakodate Museum, is 
referred to this species pending careful comparison. 

180. Zosterops japonica, T. & S. 

Jap. • Mejiro.' 

Common in winter on the plains in the Main Island associating with 
flocks of Tits. It is a favourite cage-bird with the natives. Obtained 
also at Nagasaki and in Yezo. , 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, 
'Ibis/ 1879, p. 29.) 

181. Certhia familiaris, L. 

Creeper. Jap. 'Kibashiri.' 

Specimen from Hakodate was pronounced by the late Mr. R. 
Swinhoe to be of the pale race of Amoorland ; those obtained in Yamato 
seem smaller and darker. (Whitely, 'Ibis,' 1867, p. 196: Swinhoe, 
' Ibis/ 1874, p. 152.) A specimen obtained' at Nitsukuau agrees with 
the Yezo specimen. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 


Swallow. Jap. 'Tsubakuro.' 

Ornithologists differ as to whether the common Swallow of China 
and Japan is sufficiently distinct from the European H. rustica to rank 
as a species or only sub-species. Its habits seem to be the same. It is 
generally distributed throughout the Japan Islands in Bummer. Nest 
always in a house, where a shelf is provided for its accommodation. 
Eggs 5, long, white, spotted with red. (Swinhoe, * Ibis/ 1874, p. 151.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum, where is also one of H. 

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americana obtained by Mr. N. Fukushi at Petropanlski in Kamschatka, 
so it is quite possible the American bird may occasionally find its way 
to the Kuril Islands, if not to the Main Islands of the Japan group. 

188. Cecbopib erythropygia, Sykes. 

Indian Red-rumped Swallow. Jap. ' Yama-tsubakuro.' 

Mr. H. Seebohm considers japonic a and arctivitta as only synonyms 
for this species. (' Ibis/ 1879, p. 80.) 

It is common about Toakiyau, where it builds a long, bottle- shaped 
nest under the eaves of buildings. Eggs six ; white. Not yet found 
in Yezo. Specimen in the Hakodate Museum from Toukiyau ; specimens 
also in the museums there. 

This bird is common in Toukiyau, but has only just discovered 
Yokohama, although there have long been many suitable places for it to 
breed. The first nest was built late in 1878, and several this year 

184. Cotyle rd?aria, L. 

Sand Martin. Jap. ' Tsuna-muguri-tsubame.' 
So far, the only localities where this bird has been collected in 
Japan are Hakodate and at Satsuporo in Yezo, at which latter place 
Mr. N. Fukushi obtained a large series. It is probably to be found in 
many other places. 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Seebohm, 'Ibis,' 1879, p. 80.) 

185. Ceeudon blakistoni, Swinhoe. 

Black-chinned Martin. Jap. ' Iwa-maki-tsubame.' 
This species was collected first at Hakodate, where it breeds in 
numbers under overhanging cliffs and caves. It was described and named 
by the late Mr. R. Swinhoe in the proceedings of the Zoological Society 
of London, 1862, p. 820, and in the ' Ibis,' 1868, p. 90. It was figured 
in the * Ibis/ 1874, Pt. YH. It has been since found in other parts of 
Japan, — Fuji- sail, Nitsukuau and on the summit of Ominisanjo-san in 
Yamato — being the common high mountain and cliff-martin of the country. 
Specimens in Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 
1874, p. 151.) 

Eggs white ; nest outwardly of mud, lined with grass and feathers, 
generally placed in a cranny of rock. 

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186. Cypselus pacificus, Lath. 

White-rumped Swift. Jap. ' Nairi-tsubame.' 
Found both on the Main Island and Yezo. Specimens in the 
Hakodate Museum. Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1876, p. 881 : Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 
1879, p. 81.) 

187. Chjetuba caudaouta, Lath. 

Swift. Jap. ' Ama-tsubame/ 
This large heavy-bodied species is found in the Nitsukuau mountains. 
It is common in Yezo in summer. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. 
Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1875, p. 448.) 

188. Capbimtjlgus jotaka, T. & S. 

Goatsucker. Jap. ' Yotaka.' 

This distinct species was figured in the ' Fauna Japonica/ where 
it received a wrong native name owing to the Dutch pronunciation of the 
letter ' j/ It has been collected from various localities, including Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
1 Ibis/ 1867, p. 195 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1876, p. 881.) 

Eggs 2, white, patched with grey, placed on the ground. 


Japan Crow. Jap. ' Hashibuto-garasu.' 

This is the commonest bird of the Crow family in Japan. It is 
intermediate in size between the Carrion Crow and the Raven, and may 
always be distinguished by its very heavy bill. Wholly white and 
brown varieties are occasionally found. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
•Ibis/ 1862, p. 825 : Whitely, * Ibis/ 1867, p. 200.) 

Eggs five, green, with darker patches ; cannot be distinguished from 
the next species. Both build a large nest of twigs in trees. 

190. Corvus corone, L. 

Carrion Crow. Jap. ' Hashiboso-garasu/ 

This is the Carrion Crow of Europe. It seems to be generally 
distributed throughout Japan. Found breeding about Yokohama and 
in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis/ 1874, p. 159.) 

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Raven. Jap. ' Watari-garasu.' 
Specimens of this bird obtained at Eturup, the largest of the Kuril 
Islands, are in the Kai-taku-shi Museum at Shiba, Toukiyau, and in the 
Hakodate Museum, the latter shot by Mr. H. J. Snow. (Seebohm, 
« Ibis/ 1879, p. 81.) 


Eastern Rook. Jap. ' Miyama-garasu.' 
As yet the European Rook has only been obtained about Toukiyau. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, * Ibis, 1 
1879, p. 81.) 

198. Corvub dauricus, Pall. 

Jackdaw. Jap. ' Kokumaro-garasu.' 
A live specimen was found in a bird shop at Asakusa, Toukiyau, 
agreeing with one of the figures in the ' Fauna Japouica.' 

194. Corvus negleotus, Swinhoe. 

This was figured in the ' Fauna Japouica ' as the young of dauricus, 
but the late Mr. R. Swinhoe described it as a distinct species in the 
proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, 1868, p. 805. 

195. Pica media, Blyth. (?) 

Pied Magpie. . Jap. ' Hizen-karasu.' 
A Magpie was included in the ' Fauna Japonica ' under the name of 
P, varia-japonica, from a Japanese drawing. The Japanese say that 
such a bird exists on the island of Kiushiu ; if so it probably is this 
species, which inhabits China. There are specimens in the Hakodate 
Museum of a magpie collected by Mr. N. Fukushi in Eamschatka, the 
name of which remains undetermined. 

196. Ctanopica ctanus, Pall. 

Blue Magpie. Jap. * Onaga-dori.' 

This bird is not uncommon on the Main Island even as far as the 
northern extremity, but it has not been noticed in Yezo. Frequents 
marshy places 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
'Ibis,' 1877, p. H5.) 

Digitized by 




Nutcracker. Jap. ' Hoshi-garasu.' 

A specimen taken to London in 1862 was indentified as the European 
bird. It is common on Fuji- sari, and in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
4 Ibis/ 1862, p. 826.) 

198. Garrulus brandti, Evesm. 

Jay. Jap. ' Miyama-kakisu.' 
This bird was discovered to be a resident in Yezo in 1862. It has 
not been found on the Main Island, where its place is taken* by 
G. japonicus. (Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 826: Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, 
p. 200 and Pt. Ill: Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1875, p. 450.) 

199. Garrulus japonicus, Bp. 

Japan Jay. Jap. ' Kakisu.' 

This Jay, which was given in the 'Fauna Japonica ' as Garrulus 
glandarius japonicus, is one of the birds peculiar to Japan, and quite a 
local species, not having yet been found north of the straits of Tsugaru 
separating the Main Island from Yezo, where its place is taken by the 
preceding species G. brandti, which ranges to North China and Siberia. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,' 1877, p. 144.) 

200. Garrulus bidthi, Bp. (P. L. S. 1850, p. 80.) 

The existence of this species rests on the authority of an Italian 
gentleman. (See letter by Mr. W. A. Forbes, « Ibis,' 1878, p. 491.) 
Probably an imported specimen from ? 

201. Sturnus cineraceus, T. 

Greyish Starling. Jap. ' Muku-dori.' 

Breeds in holes in the fir trees about Kawasaki and Toukiyau, 
where it stays all the year round. Eggs pale blue. Is common in 
Yezo during summer. (Whitely, 'Ibis,' 1867, p. 200: Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1874, p. 159.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. 

202. Sturnus sericeus, Gmel. 

White-headed Starling. Jap. ' Chiyau-sen muku-dori. 

Digitized by 



One specimen obtained by Mr. Ota (taxidermist) of Toukiyau from 
a bird-catcher, now in the Kiyou-iku Haku-butsu-kuwaii collection. 

208. Stubnia pybbhogenys, T. & S. 

Red-cheeked Starlet. Jap. * Shima-muku-dori.' 
Generally distributed and migratory. Specimens in the Hakodate 
and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 827: Whitely, 
'Ibis,' 1867, p. 201 : Swinhoe, 'Ibis, 1 1874, p. 159.) 


Bull-headed Shrike. Jap. ' Modzu.' 

Builds near Yokohama in March. Stays all the year round in the 
plains. Eggs five or six, yellowish white, speckled with light brown ; 
nest of dead grass and twigs, lined with finest grass. Obtained also at 
Nagasaki and in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
'Ibis/ 1867, p. 200: Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1875, p. 450.) 


Shrike. Jap. * Aka-modzu.' 

This replaces L. bucephalus on the plains at the foot of Fuji-sail. 
Obtained also in Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau 
Museums. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,* 1875, p. 450.) 

Nest large, made of dead grass ; eggs 5 to 6, white, with a shade 
of brown ; spots large ; of a liver color. 

206. IiANIUS ESOUBITOB, Vig. (?) 

Sub-species, major, Pall. 

Great Grey Shrike. Jap. ' Oho-modzu.' 
A single specimen obtained at Hakodate, in the Museum there, is 
referred to this species pending proper identification. (Seebohm, * Ibis,' 
1879, p. 81.) 

207. Ctanoptila otanohelana, T. 

Flycatcher. Jap. 'Oruri.' 

This was figured in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as two distinct species, 
the male as Muscicapa melanolenca, and the female as Muscicapa gularis. 
It is migratory and is found in Shikoku, Main Island, and Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
•Ibis/ 1867, p. 199.) 

Digitized by 



208. Butalis latirostris, Raffles. 

Small Grey Flycatcher. Jap. ' Shima-modzu.' 
This was included in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as Muscicapa cinereo- 

dlba. It is common throughout Japan, including Yezo, in summer. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 

'Ibis/ 1862, p. 817, as cinereo-alba : Whitely, ♦Ibis/ 1867, p. 199, 

as cinereo-alba: Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1874, p. 159: Seebohm, 'Ibis,' 

1879, p. 81.) 

Note. — Butalis sibirica may exist in Japan, and there are some 

specimens in collections which seem to differ sufficiently from latirostris. 

209. Xanthoptoia narcissina, T. 

Narcissus Flycatcher. Jap. ' Kibitaki.' 

This species does not always migrate, as a specimen was obtained 
north of Toukiyau in December. It is common in Yezo during summer. 
The female was figured in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as M. hylocharis. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
« Ibis,' 1862, p. 818 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1874, p. 159.) 

210. Muscicapa mugimaki, T. and S. 

Flycatcher. Jap. ' Ko-tsubame.' 
Figured in the ' Fauna Japonica/ 

211. Tchttrea princeps, T. 

. Long-tailed Flycatcher. Jap. ' Sankochiyau.' 
This, the most beautiful of the Flycatchers inhabiting Japan, is 

very common on Fuji-san. It has not been found to reach Yezo in its 

migrations. Eggs 5, long, white, spotted with red. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 

212. Periorocotus cinereus, Lair. 

Grey Minivet. Jap. 4 Raifuri ' — ' Sanshiyaukui.' 
Common on Fuji-san and in Yamato. Not known in Yezo. Flight 
and note resemble the grey Wagtail, for which it might easily be 
mistaken owing to similarity of plumage. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, 
'Ibis,' 1879, p. 81.) 
218. Ampelis garrula, L. 

Bohemian Waxwing. Jap. 'Ki-renjaku.' 

Digitized by 



This European species, which inhabits North China, is not un- 
common in Yezo, but has not yet been found south of that locality in 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
'Ibis/ 1874, p. 158.) 

214. Ampelis phcenicoptera, T. 

Eastern Waxwing. Jap. ' Hi-ren-zhiyaku.' 

This species, which is found in North China and Formosa, inhabits 
both the Main Island and Yezo, but on the latter island is not as common 
as the foregoing species. 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Whitely, 'Ibis, 1 1876, p. 200.) 

Note. — Pitta nympha is given in the 'Fauna Japonica' from Korea. 

Oriolus sp. — There are Japanese figures of Orioles which are said 
to be found in Eiushiu, which, being the nearest portion of Japan to 
China, is the most likely locality. 

215. Pabus ater, L. 

Cole Tit. Jap. « Hi-gara.' 
Seems to be generally distributed on the Main Island and Yezo. 
Flocks of this bird, Pants minor, Orestes Trivirgatus, Zosterops japonica 
and Rugulus japonicus common in the winter on the plains. Specimens 
in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, * Ibis,' 1862, p. 
821 : Whitely, ' Ibis, 1 1867, p. 198 : Swinhoe, « Ibis,' 1874, p. 155 : 
Seebohm, < Ibis,' 1879, p. 81.) 

216. Pabus palustris, L. 

Marsh Tit. Jap. * Ko-gara.' 

Was in former published lists given as P. kamschatkensis and 
P. boreaUst but Mr. H. Seebohm, who has examined examples from ail 
across the continents of Europe and Asia, comes to the conclusion that 
those names must only stand as sub-species. Common on the moun- 
tains of Nitsu-kuwau, Fuji-san and Ohoyama. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/ 1862, p. 821 : Whitely, ' Ibis,' 1866, p. 198 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 
1874, p. 156 : Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 1879, p. 82.) 

217. Pabus minob, T. & S. 

Lesser- Tit. Jap. ' Shi-zhifu-kara. 
▼ol. Tm. 28 

Digitized by 



Breeds high up Ohoyama and in Toukiyau. Seen commonly on the 

plains near Toukiyau in winter. Common in Yezo and on the Main Island. 

* Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 

1 Ibis/ 1867, p. 198 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1874, p. 156 : Seebohm, « Ibis,' 

1879, p. 88.) 

Eggs white, spotted with red ; nest built in a hole of a tree or rock. 

218. Parus varius, T. & S. 

Japan Tit. ' Yama-gara.' 

Keeps jn the mountains both summer and winter in the south. Is 
not uncommon io Yezo during summer. A favourite cage-bird with the 
Japanese. So far not found out of Japan. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston,' 
• Ibis/ 1862, p. 821 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1874, p. 155.) 

219. Acrbdula triviroata, Temm. 

Japan Long-tailed Tit. Jap. « Wo-naga.' 

This seems to be essentially a South Japan bird, — that is to say, not 
ranging beyond the Strait of Tsugaru separating Yezo from the main 
island. It breeds on Fuji-san and visits the lower country around 
Toukiyau and Yokohama in winter. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. . (Blakiston 
and Pryer, ' Ibis/ 1878, p. 285.) 


Long-Tailed Tit. Jap. .' Shima- wo-naga.* 

This is the European species, which in Japan has not been yet 
found south of Yezo, where it is most abundant in winter. 

Specimens in* the Hakodate Museum. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1874, p. 

221. 2Egithalu& gonsobrinus, Swinhoe. 

This bird was described by the late Mr. B. Swinhoe from China as 
a new species, but Mr. H. Seebohm is inclined to consider it only a sub- 
species of A. pendulensis of Europe. The only specimens known in Japan 
are in the Hakodate Museum, collected by Mr. F. Ringer at Nagasaki in 
February. (Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 88.) 


Nuthatch. Jap. ' Ki-mahari.' 

Digitized by 



Specimens collected in Yezo have been sent to Europe for com- 
parison, which although misnamed S. roseilia and S. uralensis are really 
only the European bird. (Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 822: Swinhoe 
' Ibis,' 1868, p. 99 : Whitely, « Ibis/ 1867, p. 196 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 
1874, p. 152: Seebohm, 'Ibis/ 1879, p. 84.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 

The southern form of this bird is much more rufous on the * belly 
than northern specimens ; it varies considerably in this respect, some 
specimens being almost entirely rufous and others from the same locality 
showing very tittle colouring. Northern specimens rarely have a trace 
of this colour. 

3. Accentor rtjbidus, T. & S. 

Accentor. Jap. ' Kaya-kuguri.' 
Given in the ' Fauna Japonica ' under the name of Accentor 
nodularis rubidus. Several obtained at Nitsu-kuwau, Ohoyama and 
Fuji-san in winter, and also by Mr. H. Whitely at Hakodate. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
•Ibis/ 1867, p, 198.) 

224. Accentor ertthropygius, Swinh. (?) * 

Accentor. Jap. ' Iha-hibari.' 
A live specimen obtained by Mr. Ota, something resembling A. 
alpinus, is attributed to this species, which is found in North China and 
Eastern Siberia. Found high up Fuji-san. 

5. Anthus maculattjs, Hodg. 

Tree-Pifit. Jap. ' Bindzui.' 

This Pipit breeds commonly on Fuji-san ; eggs five, whity-brown, 
patched with red-brown. Very abundant on the plains in pine planta- 
tions in winter. Also found in Yezo. 

The late Mr. R. Swinhoe identified a specimen sent him as Pipastes 
agiUs, Sykes, which Mr. H. Seebohm says is only a synonym of the 
European bird Anthus trivialis, L. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, 
' Ibis/ 1879, p. 84.) 

Nest generally placed on the ground, made of grass, lined with 
fine grass, or the fruit stalks of moss. 

Digitized by 



226. Anthus japonicus, T. & S. 

Japan Pipit. Jap. ' Ta-hibari.' 

In winter commonly about Yokohama. Specimens from several 
localities in Yezo. Mr. H. Seebohm considers this species the same as 
A. ludovicianus, Gm. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
« Ibis/ 1867, p. 198 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1875, p. 449.) 

227. Anthus cebvinus, Pall. 

Obtained on the Kuril Islands by Mr. N. Fukushi. Specimen in 
the Hakodate Museum. (Seebohm, ' Ibis ' 1879, p. 84.) 

228. Anthus, Sp. inc. 

One specimen of another species collected by Mr. N. Fukushi at 
Satsuporo in Yezo, is in the Hakodate Museum. 

229. MotaoHjLa japonica, Swinh. 

Japan Pied Wagtail. Jap. ' Seguro-sekireii' 

Mr. H. Seebohm considers that this bird may be divided into two 
species. M. lugens and M. amurensis. 

There are specimens from Toukiyau, Nagasaki, Yezo and 
Eamschatka in the Hakodate Museum, also in the Toukiyau Museums. 
(Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 819, as lugens: Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, p. 
198, as lugens: Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1874, p. 156, as japonica.) 


Grey Wagtail. Jap. ' Ki-sekirei.' 
This is the same as M. melanope of Pallas. It breeds on 
Fuji-san and in Toukiyau in the thatch of houses. Eggs dirty white, 
spotted with greyish brown. It inhabits the neighbourhood of Nagasaki, 
and also Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 
(Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 818: Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 1874, p. 157.) 

281. Calamohebpe obientalis, T. & S. 

Eastern Reed-Thrush. Jap. 'Oho-yoshi.' 
The largest of the Reed-warblers, seems generally distributed 
wherever there are reed beds throughout Japan, including Yezo, during 
summer. Male very vociferous, singing during moonlight. 

Digitized by 



Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
•Ibis.' 1862, p. 817 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1874, p. 158.) 

282. Acrocephalus* bistbhhcepb, Swinhoe. 

Black-Eyebrowed Reed- wren. Jap. ' Ko-yoshi.' 

This is the same as Calamodyta maacki, Schrench. In habits and 
song it is a miniature of the preceding species, but frequents the Kaya 
instead of reeds. Inhabits the Main Island and Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
' Ibis, 1 1874, p. 154, as C. maacki: Seebohm, * Ibis,' 1879, p. 85.) 

288. Cettia oantans, T. & S. 

Japan Nightingale. Jap. * Uguhisu.' 

This bird is well known to all Japanese, and is a common cage-bird 
with them, being valued for its song, which is not extensive, but the 
few notes are sweet. Commences to sing about Toukiyau the last week 
in February. Is resident throughout the year in Southern Japan, but 
summers only in Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau 
Museums. (Whitely, ' Ibis/ 1867, p. 197.) 

Mr. H. Seebohm is of opinion that H. cantons and H. cantillans 
are but one species, the smaller examples being usually females. This 
opinion is deferred to, and consequently Salicaria cantillans of the 
' Fauna Japonica ' included in former published lists (Blakiston, ' Ibis,' 
1862, p. 818, and Whitely, « Ibis,' 1867, p. 197) is here omitted. 

284. Ubosphena squamiceps, Swinhoe. 

Scaly-headed Grass-Wren. 
Several specimens at Fuji-san in summer. Specimens in the 
Hakodate Museum, collected in Yezo. (Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1874, p. 155, 
et 1877, p. 205, pt. IV.) 

285. Cistioola cuBSiTANS, Frank. • 

Fan-tail Warbler. Jap. ' Senniu'. 

Mr. H. Seebohm has named a specimen sent him as above, which he 
remarks is a prior name to C schcejdcola, Bonap., and we presume that 
ft bnmneiceps, figured in the ' Fauna Japonica/ must also be referred to 
this species. 

Specimen in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums from Toukiyau, 
(Seebohm, « Ibis', 1879, p. 87.) 

Digitized by 



Builds a deep, frail nest by weaving together the leaves of the Kaya 
with the down from the flower of the same plant. A bird observed 
building in October. Remains about Yokohama all the year round. 

286. Cisticola, (?) sp. 

This bird is common in the marshes about Yokohama and Toukiyau, 
creeping about the reeds and aquatic thickets, but is difficult to catch. 
It is larger than the preceding species, but otherwise resembles it, ex- 
cepting that it has no black on the underside of the tail. Length, 5^ in.; 
wing, 2£. Song resembles that of the grasshopper warbler. 

287. Locustella fasciolata, Gray. 

Moluccan Smoky Reed-Thrush. 

This Mr. H. Seebohm says is- the true name for Calamodyta 
insida7is of Wallace, and CdUunoherpe fumigata of Swinhoe. 

Specimens only yet obtained in Yezo in the. Hakodate Museum. 
(Swinhoe, « Ibis,' 1876, p. 882 : Seebohm, < Ibis,' 1879, p. 85.) 

288. Locustella oghotensis, Midd. 

Reed- Wren. Jap. ' Shima-Bennm.' 

The late Mr. R. Swinhoe identified a specimen from Hakodate as 
Locustella subcerthiola (Ibis, 1 1874, p. 158) which he had previously 
considered to be L. ochotensis. ('Ibis, 1 1868, p. 98.) He also described 
Arwidesiax blakistoni in the ' Ibis,' for 1876, p. 882, fig. 1, pt. VIII., as 
a distinct species. Mr. H. Seebohm, however, is of opinion that the 
former is the adult, and the latter the young of one species. 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. 

289 Locustella lanceolata, Temm. 
Diminutive Grass- Wren. 
. The late Mr. R. Swinhoe identified this from a specimen sent from 
Hakodate. ('Ibis,' 1875, p. 449.) He also was convinced that L. 
hendersonii (Cassin, Proc. Phil. Ac. S., 1858, p. 86) was identical with 
this species, which opinion is shared by Mr. H. Seebohm. (' Ibis, 1 
1879, p. 86.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum from Yezo. 

240. Locustella, ? 

Specimens from Eturup. 

Digitized by 



241. Phylloscopus coronatus, T. & S. 

Willow- Wren. Jap. ' Meboso.' 
The most common of this genus, both on the Main Island and Yezo. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Tookiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
' Ibis/ 1862, p. 817 : Whitely, « Ibis/ 1867, p. 197.) 

242. Phylloscopus xanthodbyas, Swinhoe. 

Willow- Wren. . 

Specimens obtained on Fuji-sail, and in Yezo. One sent to Mr. H. 
Seebohm for identification. Resembles the preceding, but is larger and 
greener ; the song is different, being very soft and sibilant. Observed 
breeding high up Fuji-san in July. 

Specimen in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 

248. Phylloscopus borealis, Blasius. 
The late Mr. R. Swinhoe said he had seen a specimen in the 
Leyden Museum from Nagasaki ('Ibis/ 1867, p, 888), and Mr. H. 
Seebohm mentions skins in the collections of Lord Tweeddale and Mr. 
Dresser from Japan. (' Ibis/ 1879, p. 86.) 

244. Phylloscopus tenbllipes, Swinhoe. 

Willow- Wren. 
Mr. H. Seebohm mentions a specimen labelled " Hakodate, 5 May, 
1665 " as being in Lord Tweeddale's collection. (J Ibis/ 1879, p. 86.) 
This specimen would probably have been collected by Mr. H. Whitely, but 
the species was not included in his list published in the ' Ibis ' for 1867. 

245. Troglodytes pumigatus, Temm. 

Japan Wren. Jap. ' Misosazahi/ 

Seems to be generally distributed throughout Japan, including Yezo. 
Southern examples are generally darker and smaller than Northern. 
Mr. H. Seebohm considers the Japan Wren as intermediate between 
those of Cashmere and Nepal, and the Canadian species. (' Ibis/ 1879, 
p. 87.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1874, p. 152.) 

5. Regulus japonicus, Bp. 

Japan Regulus. Jap. 'Kiku-itadaki.' 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Specimens obtained on the Main Island, Kiushiu and Yezo, in the 
Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, ' Ibis/ 1862, p. 320 : 
Whitely, « Ibis, 1867, p. 196 : Seebohm, ' Ibis/ 1879, p. 87.) 

Very common on the plains about Yokohama in winter. 


Pallas's Dipper. Jap. ' Kaha-garasu.' 

Common on mountain streams both on the Main Island and 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
'Ibis/ 1875, p. 449.) # 

248. Ertthacus akahige, T. & S. 

Robin. Jap. 'Komadori.' 

Breeds on high mountains on the Main Island. Is a favourite 
cage-bird with the natives. Siebold in the ' Fauna Japonica ' reversed 
the native names of this and the following species. M. Maximovitch 
mentioned having obtained a specimen of this bird at Hakodate. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums . (Blakiston and 
Pryer, • Ibis,' 1878, p. 289.) 

249. Ertthacus kohadori* T. & S. 
Robin. Jap. 'Aka-higi.' 

This species rests on the authority of the ' Fauna Japonica,' but 
native ornithologists say that it is not a resident in Japan, those 
occasionally seen in cages being obtained from Korea, which is borne out 
by the fact of its being the most expensive live bird sold by the 

250. Larvtvora cyane, Pall. 

Blue and White Robin. Jap. * Ko-ruri.' 

Breeds on Fuji-sail, but is not common. A single specimen 
obtained at Hakodate is in the Museum these. (Blakiston and Pryer, 
'Ibis,' 1878, p. 289.) 

Is very shy and wary. 

251. Ianthia oyanura, Pall. 

Robin Bluetail. Jap. ' Ruribitake.' 
In winter only about Yokohama ; in summer high up Fuji-sail and 
in Yezo. Also found at Nagasaki. 

Digitized by 



Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/ 1862, p. 818 : # Whitely, 'Ibis,' 1867, p. 197.) 

252. Calliope camtschatkensis, Gm. 

Robin Rubythroat. Jap. * Nogoma.' 
Several specimens in Yezo and the Kuril Islands in the Hakodate 
Museum. (Blakiston and Pryer, ' Ibis, 1 1878, p. 239.) 

253. Ruticilla aurobea, Pall. 

Redstart. Jap. * Zhiyau-bitaki.' 

Numbers winter on Ohoshima (Yries Island). Found also at 
Nagasaki and in Yezo during the summer season, and occasionally in 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
' Ibis,' 1862, p. 818 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 1875, p. 449.) 

Common about Yokohama in the autumn, but not abundant in 

254. Pratincola indioa, Blyth. 

Indian Stonechat. Jap. * Nobitaki.' 

Closely allied to the European species rubicola. Breeds on Fuji- 
san about Yamanaka Lake. Found at Nagasaki ; very plentiful during 
summer in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
4 Ibis,' 1862, p. 318 : Whitely, ' Ibis/ 1867, p. 197 : Swinhoe, • Ibis/ 
1874, p. 155.) 

255. Pitta, Sp. inc. (?) 

Ground Thrush. 
Pitta nympha of the * Fauna Japonica ' was based on a drawing 
taken by a Japanese artist at Nagasaki from a bird said to have been 
brought from Korea. The late Mr. R. Swinhoe found such a bird in a 
cage at Chefoo. (' Ibis,' 1874, p. 446.) 

256. Monticola solitabia, Mull. 

Blue and Red Rock-Thrush. Jap. * Iso hiyo-dori.' 
Found about rocks on the coasts. Very abundant on Hatsu shima, 
Idzu. Occasionally seen about the roofs of houses in the settlement 
of Yokohama in winters. Common during summers in Yezo. Obtained 
also at Nagasaki. 

vol. vhi. 29 

Digitized by 



Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
'Ibis,' 1862, p. 819: Whitely, « Ibis,' 1867, p. i99 : Swinhoe, * Ibis/ 
1874, p. 157.) 

Very common on the Bonin Islands. 

257. Hypsipetes amaurotis, T. & S. 

Brown-Eared Bulbul : Local ' Screecher.' Jap. ' Hiyo-dori.' 
This bird, familiarly known by foreign residents as the ' Screecher,' 
seems generally distributed throughout Japan, being found at Nagasaki, 
the island of Shikoku, the country around Yokohama, Yamato, etc., 
and in Yezo, where an occasional one has been observed even in 
winters. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blak- 
iston, « Ibis/ 1872, p. 820 : Whitely, ' Ibis, 7 1867, p. 199 : ' Swinhoe, 
'Ibis/ 1874, p. 158.) 

Nest placed in a bush made of twigs, moss and roots, and lined 
with finer roots ; eggs 5, pinkish white, spotted with liver-red. 

258. Tubdus sebericus, Pall. 

Siberian Thrush. Jap. * Mame-zhiro.' 

This bird was figured only in its immature plumage in the ' Fauna 
Japonica,' and was obtained only in that state at Hakodate in 1861. 
Adult birds have now been collected at Fuji-sail, and one sent to Mr. H. 
Seebohm for comparison. A beautiful songster. 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1868, 
p. 98 : Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 1875, p. 87.) 

259. Tubdus pallidus, Gmel. 

Pale Thrush. Jap. ' Shiropara.' 

This thrush was given in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as Turdus daulias, 
and Mr. H. Whitely, following this example, gave the same name to a 
specimen obtained by him at Hakodate. (' Ibis,' 1867, p. 199.) 

Specimens have since been obtained on the Main Island and at 
Nagasaki. (Blakiston and Pryer, 'Ibis, 1 1878, p. 240: Seebohm, 
•Ibis/ 1879, p. 87.) 

Not uncommon in bamboo thickets in winter about Yokohama. 

260. Tubdus cabdis, T. 

Thrush. Jap. * Kuro-tsugu ' and * Ko-ke.' 

Digitized by 



Valued by the Japanese as a cage-bird for its fine song. Breeds 
commonly on Fuji-san. Nest almost wholly of moss, and often on a 
stump or against the side of a tree. Eggs five, of a greenish or reddish 
white, patched all over with amber-brown. Found also at Nagasaki 
and in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
' Ibis/ 1862, p. 819 : Whitely, « Ibis,' 1867, p. 199.) 


Bed-tailed Fieldfare. Jap. ' Akazhinai.' 

This Thrush does not seem to be abundant. Mr. Ota has obtained 
it from Fuji-saii, and specimens in the Hakodate Museum, collected 
in the neighbourhood, have been compared with China examples. 
(Blakiston and Pryer, « Ibis,' 1878, p. 241.) 

This species was formerly confounded with T. fuscatus. (See 
Editor's note, * Ibis,' 1862, p. 819.) 

262. Turdus obbcurus, Gmel. 

Eyebrowed Pale Thrush. 
This was figured and described in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as T. 
pattens, and is a common species in China and Siberia. The Museums 
in Japan are without examples. 


Thrush. Jap. ' Akapara.' 

This Thrush varies much in the darkness of the throat. Specimens 
from Nagasaki, Yokohama, and Yezo, in the Hakodate Museum, have 
been compared with China examples. Also in the Toukiyau Museums. 
(Whitely, « Ibis,' 1867, p. 199 : Blakiston and Pryer, ' Ibis,' 1878> p. 

Breeds on Fuji-san ; sweet songster ; seen in the plains about 
Yokohama in winter, generally solitary. Nest placed in bushes made 
of grass, moss and twigs ; eggs 5, light bluish-green, speckled all over 
with small spots of reddish-brown. 

264. Turdus fuscatus, Pall. 

Eastern Fieldfare or Brown Thrush. Jap. ' Chiyauma.' 
The most common species of Thrush in Japan. Very abundant in 
winter about Toukiyau and Yokohama, and some found in winter in 

Digitized by 



Yezo. Also obtained at Nagasaki. Specimens in the Hakodate and 
Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, l Ibis,' 1862, p. 819 : Swinhoe, 
* Ibis,' 1874, p. 157.) We do not know where this breeds. 

265. Oreocincla varia, Pall. 

White's Thrush. Jap. « Nuyejinai.' 

One of the few, if not the only Thrush ranging from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific across the continent of Europe and Asia. It is exposed 
for sale in considerable numbers in the Yokohama market in winter. 
Obtained also at Nagasaki and in Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate 
and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, l Ibis/ 1877, p. 144.) 

Obtained at Fuji-san in July, where it was most probably breeding. 
It has no song, only a soft plaintive whistle consisting of the syllable 
' see,' which can be heard for a long distance ; very shy, but can easily 
be attracted by imitating its whistle. 

266. Alauda japonica, T. & S. 

Japan Lark. Jap. ' Hibari.' 

Notwithstanding Northern China is so prolific in species of larks, 
this is the only one yet identified as belonging to the Japan Islands. 
There is some variation in size, but all the examples sent to the late 
Mr. R. Swinhoe were pronounced to be of the one species, and that 
species not known as an inhabitant of the neighboring continent of 
Asia. It will, however, possibly turn out that other species are to be 
found in Japan, because the probability is, that at any rate stragglers 
are blown over from Korea. The species under this heading is common 
throughout the country, including Yezo, and has been found breeding 
on Fuji-san. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 
(Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 827: Whitely, 'Ibis, 1 1867, p. 208: 
Swinhoe, * Ibis/ 1874, p. 161, et 1877, p. 145.) 

Nest placed in the grass; eggs 5, thickly speckled with dark brown. 

367. Otocorys alpestris, L. 
Shore Lark. 
Although inhabiting America as will as Europe, and being common 
in Mongolia, this bird is only entitled to a place in this catalogue from 
being included in the ' Fauna Japonica ' on the authority of a Japanese 

Digitized by 



268. Emberiza ciopsis, Bp. 

Japan Meadow-Bunting. Jap. ' Hoho-zhiro.' 
This is the most abundant Bunting on the Main Island, and one 

of the few birds which remain on the plains to breed. It seems equally 

common in Yezo, and is found also at Nagasaki. Piebald and other 

varieties are not uncommon. It is the E. cioides of the 'Fauna 


Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston 

1 Ibis/ 1862, p. 828 : Whitely, « Ibis,' 1867, p. 202 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 

1874, p. 161 : Seebohm, ' Ibis, 1 1879, p. 88.) 

Nest made of dry grass, lined with fine rootlets, placed on or near 

the ground ; eggs 5, whitish to brownish- white, and scrawled over with 

black ; very variable. 

269. Emberiza pucata, Pall. 

Painted Bunting. Jap. * Hoho-aka.' 

Breeds on Fuji-san. Common in winter around Yokohama. 
Tolerably abundant in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
' Ibis/ 1862, p. 828 : Whitely, « Ibis/ 1867, p. 202 : Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 
1874, p. 181.) 

270. Emberiza elegans, T. 

Bunting. Jap. « Miyama-hoho-zhiro.' 

This is not a common bird, but the most beautiful of the Japan 
Buntings. It is said to be obtained at Nitsu-kuwau, and also in the 
neighbourhood of Nagasaki. 

Specimen in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1877, p. 146.) 

271. Emberiza rustioa, Pall. 

Rustic Bunting. Jap. ' Kashira-daka.' 

This bunting is very common in the Southern part of the Main 
Island in winters, and in Yezo in summers. It ranges across Siberia to 
North-east Europe, and an occasional straggler has been taken in England. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
' Ibis/ 1862, p. 828 : Whitely, < Ibis/ 1867, p. 202 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 
1874, p. 161.) 

Digitized by 



272. Emberiza pebsonata, Pall. 

Masked Bunting. Jap. * AwozlnV 

A very common bird all the year round about Toukiyau. Breeds 
on Fuji-san ; nest generally placed on the ground, made of dead grass. 
Eggs five, whitish, with brown patches and darker spots. Common in 
Yezo, where it seems the earliest in spring and latest in autumn of all 
the Buntings, some few remaining during winter. 

Specimens ' in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis,' 1874, p. 161.) 

278. Emberiza aureola, Pall. 

Bunting. Jap. ' Shima-awozhi.' 
A specimen obtained by Mr. N. Fukushi in Yezo, and one procured 
at a bird shop in Toukiyau, are in the Hakodate Museum. (Blakiston 
and Pryer, ' Ibis, 1 1878, p. 248.) ' 

274. Emberiza variabilis, T. & S. 

Bunting. Jap. 'Kurozhi.' 
Rather common on Ohoyama in winter. Also obtained in Yezo. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1875, p. 460.) 

275. Emberiza sulphurata, T. & S. 

Bunting. Jap. 'Nojiko.' 

Seems to be a southern bird, being common on Fuji-san in June 
and July, few being found in Yezo. It is a cage-bird with the natives. 
This bird migrates in winter. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
•Ibis,' 1867, p. 208: Blakiston and Pryer, 'Ibis/ 1878, p. 243. 

276. Emberiza rutila, Pall. 

Ruddy Bunting. Jap. ' Shima-nojiko.' 
Figured in the ' Fauna Japonica.' 

277. Emberiza yessoensis, Swinh. 

Yezo Bunting. Jap. ' Nabikaburi.' 
This Reed-Bunting is found in grass swamps in Yezo during 
summer. It has also been obtained at Fuji- sail in July. Specimens in 
the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. When first discovered, in 1861, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


it was taken to be E. minor, Midd. (Blakiston, 'Ibis,' 1868, p. 99.) 
The late Mr. R. SwiDhoe, however, described it as seen later (' Ibis,' 
1874, p. 161), and it has since been figured in the ' Ibis,' 1879, pt. I., 
and Mr. H. Seebohm has appended some remarks. ('Ibis,' 1879, p. 

278. Emberiza schoeniclus, Linn. 

Reed Bunting Jap. • Oho-jorin.' 

Common in the Yokohama game-market in winters. Found in Yezo 
in summer. The late Mr. R. Swinhoe described a specimen sent him 
from Yezo as a new species under the name of Schoenicola pyrrhulina, 
and it was figured in the ' Ibis ' (' Ibis, 1 1876, p. 888, pt. VIII.), but Mr. 
H. Seebohm considers E. palustris of Savi, and 8. pyrrhulina, as only 
forms of the Reed Bunting, of Europe E. schoenicola, differing solely 
from that type in having thicker bills, and not entitled to rank above 
sub-species. (Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 1879, p. 40.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. Thousands 
congregate in the reed beds, together with the foregoing, in winter, 
eating the seeds. 

279. Plectrophanes nivalis, L. 

Snow Bunting. Jap. ' Uki-hozhiro.' 
A specimen is in the Hakodate Museum, obtained in the neighbour- 

280. Fringilla montifringilla, L. 

Brambling. Jap. ' Atori.' 

Large flocks are found in winter near Yokohama and Toukiyau and 
it is not uncommon in Yezo. It is the same as the European species. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
•Ibis/ 1867, p. 201 : Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 1874, p. 160.) 

281. Passer montanus, L. 
Tree-Sparrow. Jap. ' Suzume.' 

This is the common house-sparrow of Japan. Eggs very variable. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
•Ibis,' 1862, p. 827: Whitely, ' Ibis,' 1867, p. 202 : Swinhoe, •Ibis,' 
1877, p. 146.) 


Digitized by ' 


282. Passer rutilans, Temm. 

Basset Sparrow. Jap. ' Niunai-suzume.) 

This may be called the wild sparrow of Japan, being generally found 
in uncultivated districts. It doubtless migrates. It is occasionally 
brought into the Yokohama market from Eoshiu. 

It is not uncommon in Yezo. This species is well figured in the 
' Fauna Japonica ' under the name of P. russatus. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/ 1862, p. 828: Swinhoe, 'Ibis,* 1877, p. 145.) 

Chlorospiza kawarahiba, T. & S. 

Japan Goldenwing. Jap. ' Kahara-hiha.' 

This bird is figured in the 'Fauna Japonica.* Yezo specimens 
identified by the late Mr. B. Swinhoe. Whitely, 'Ibis,' 1867, p. 202 : 
Swinhoe, ' Ibis, 1 1874, p. 160.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. Breeds on 
Fuji-saii, where it has been obtained in summer. 

Procured singly or in pairs. Beak, flesh colour in summer. 

Much larger and less brightly colored than the following species. 
The figure given in the ' Fauna Japonica ' is very good. 

284. Chlorospiza sinica, L. 

China Goldenwing. 

This is the Fringilla kaxcarahiha-minor of the ' Fauna Japonica.' 
It is found in China, while the former species is not, that is to say, 
unless they have been confounded. Mr. H. Whitely included this in 
his Hakodate lists, and considered it the most common of the two 
species. ('Ibis/ 1667 p. 202.) We have examined specimens from 
Yokohama, Toukiyau, Fuji-saii, Ohoyama and Nagasaki. 

The measurements given in the ' Fauna Japonica ' converted into 
English inches are — 

Kawarahiba,— 6.02x8.65. 

Kawarahiba-minor=sinica f — 5.20x3.20. 

Mr. H. Whitely's are respectively 5.75x8.50 and 5.12x8.25. 

Very gregarious, keeping together in flocks of a hundred or more. 

285. Chrysomitris spinus, L. 

Siskin. Jap. 'Ma-hiha.' 

Digitized by 



This bird, extending in range across the whole continent of Europe 
and Asia, is common in Japan, including Yezo. It is caught in large 
numbers by the natives for caging. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 
' Ibis, 1 1862, p. 827 : Whitely, ' Ibis/ 1867, p. 201.) 

286. Linota linaria, Linn. 

Mealy Redpoll. Jap. 'Beni-hiha.' 
Specimens from Yezo were indentined by the late Mr. R. Swinhoe' 
as 2Egiothus borealut,' Temm. ('Ibis/ 1874, p. 160), and it is 
generally admitted that this bird is an inhabitant of North China and 

287. Linota rufescens, Viell. (?) 

Lesser Redpoll. Jap. * Ko-beni-hiha.' 
In the Hakodate Museum are specimens collected in Yezo of this or 
the preceding species, or both. The late Mr. R. Swinhoe considered 
that one of the specimens sent him was this species, which he called 
JEgiothua linaria, L., and his note says :— " This species is easily 
distinguished from the last by its smaller size, by having less white 
on the rump, and scarcely any edging to its tail feathers. The 
Hakodate skin agrees with home-shot specimens." (' Ibis, 1 1874, p. 
160.) On the other hand Professor Alfred Newton, in the number of 
his new edition of " YarrelTs British Birds," published November, 1876, 
considers this species to be confined to Western Europe. There is 
another form, JEgiotJuis exilipes, of Dr. Cowes, smaller than the Mealy 
Redpoll, which one of the Japan birds — if there are really two — may 
turn out to be. 

288. Leucostictb brunneinucha, Brandt. 

Ground Finch. Jap. * Hagi-mashiko. 1 

This bird is common in flocks about Hakodate in winter, and has 
been found there as late as May. Mr. N. Fukushi obtained it on the 
Kuril Islands in July. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, 
« Ibis,' 1867, p. 202 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1875, p. 460.) 

Uragus sanguinolentits, Temm. 

Long-tailed Rose Finch. Jap. 4 Beni-mashiko.' 
vol. vni. 30 

Digitized by 



A common bird in Yezo and at Nitsu-kuwau and Fuji-sail. Specimens 
in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston, 'Ibis,' 1862, 
p. 828: Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, p. 208: Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1874, 
p. 160.) 

290. Carpodacus roseus, Pall. 

Rose Finch. Jap. ' Oho-mashiko.' 

Specimens shot in Yezo; others purchased from bird shops in 
Toukiyau. The late Mr. R. Swinhoe, to whom one was sent, pronounced 
it to be of this species. (' Ibis,' 1877, p» 145.) 

Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. 

291. Pyrrhula enucleator, Linn. (?) 

Pine Grosbeak. Jap. ' Ginzan-mashiko.' 

The Kai-taku-shi department possesses a bird said to have been 
obtained in Yezo, probably of this species. 

It is quite possible that the Scarlet Grosbeak, P. erythina, Pall., 
which ranges across Siberia as far as Eamschatka — a much smaller 
bird — may also be found in Japan. 

292. Coccothraustes Japonicus, Bp. 

Japan Hawfinch. Jap. * Himi.' 

Seen about Yokohama in winter; tolerably common in Yezo, 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, ' Ibis,' 
1867, p. 201 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis/ 1874, p. 160.) 

The separation of this as a species distinct from the European 
C. vulgaris, Pall., is questioned by ornithologists, but the late Mr. R. 
Swinhoe retained the name in his paper on the " Birds of Chefoo." 
('Ibis, 1 1875, p. 121.) 

Coccothraustes personatus, T. & S. 
Masked Grosbeak. Jap. ' Ikaru.' 

This bird, described originally from Japan in the ' Fauna Japonica,' 
like the preceding and following species, is also an inhabitant of China. 
It is found commonly on Fuji-sail in July. It has a pleasing note, and 
is capable of being made very tame. Examples also obtained in Yezo. 
(Whitely, « Ibis,' 1867, p. 201 : Swinhoe, ' Ibis,' 1877, p. 145.) 

Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

Digitized by 




Black-tailed Grosbeak. Jap. ' Shima-ikaru.* 
The Kiyou-iku Haku^butsu-kuwari has a specimen obtained from a 
bird dealer in Toukiyau about the size of japonicus. The bill is yellow, 
tipped with black. Head and neck black all round as far down as 12 
millimetres behind the eye. 

295. Loxia albivbntris, Swinh. 

Swinhoe's Crossbill. Jap. ' Isuka.' 

The late Mr. R. Swinhoe described the representative in North 
China of the common Crossbill of Europe, L, cundrostra, L., as a 
distinct species. (P. Z. 8. 1870, p. 487). Ornithologists doubt the 
white belly distinction being sufficient to. give it more than a sub- specific 
rank. It can stand, however, till farther observation clear up the 
question. Qut of a collection of specimens made in Yezo, and now 
in the Hakodate Museum, Mr. Swinhoe's identification was made. 
(Swinhoe, « Ibis, 1 1875, p. 450.) 

Very common in the year 1878 about Toukiyau and Fuji-san. 
Specimens in the Toukiyau Museums. 

296. Pybbhula obxentalis, T. & S. 

Eastern Bullfinch. Jap. ' Teri-uso.' 
Valued much by Japanese as a cage-bird. Found in winter about 
Yokohama; heard on Fuji-san in July. Not uncommon in Yezo. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Tokiyau Museums. (Blakiston, ' Ibis,' 
1862, p. 828: Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, p. 208: Swinhoe, 'Ibis/ 1874, p. 
160.) • 

297. Nyctea Scandiaca, L. 

Snowy Owl. 
A live specimen brought into Hakodate, obtained in the neighbour- 
hood on 29th Nov., 1879, is probably the first recorded instance of this 
bird in Japan. 

298. Ninox japonicus, T. & S. 

Brown Hairy-footed Owl. Jap. 'Awoba-dzuku.' 
This peculiar owl was described in the ' Fauna Japonica ' as Stria 
hirsute japonica. It is not uncommon in summer about Yokohama, 
and a specimen in the Kai-taku-shi Museum is said to have been 

Digitized by 



obtained in Yezo. Mr. R. Swinhoe remarks in his Chefoo notes (' Ibis/ 
1874, p. 488) that the northern race is larger, deeper coloured, and 
less rufescent than that of Southern China. 
Specimen in the Hakodate Museum. 

299. Sybnium bufescens, Temm. 
Owl. Jap. 'Fukurou.' 

Mr. H. Seebohm has named a specimen sent him as S. uralense, 
sub-species fucescens. ('Ibis,' 1879, p. 41.) 

This is the most abundant owl met with in the neighbourhood of 
Toukiyau. It is found also in Yezo, where the specimens are lighter 
than those from the South. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau 
Museums. (Whitely, 'Ibis/ 1867, p. 194: Blakiston and Pryer, 
'Ibis/ 1878, p. 246.) 

Nest in a hole in a tree ; eggs two to three, very round, white, 
but generally soiled ; 2 inches long and 5 inches in circumference. 

800. Asio accipitbtnus, Pall. 

Short-Eared Owl. Jap. ' Ko-mimi-dzuku.' 

Tolerably common in Yezo, probably also on the Main Island. 
Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. (Whitely, ' Ibis,' 1867, p. 195 : 
Blakiston and Pryer, 'Ibis,* 1878, p. 246: Seebohm, 'Ibis,' 1879, 
p. 41.) 

This is the Otus brachyotus of many ornithologists ; is found nearly 
all the world over, and is a migratory bird. 

801. Asio otus, L. 

Long-Eared Owl: Jap. ' Tbra-fu-dzuku.' 

Not uncommon about Yokohama ; also found in Yezo. Specimens 
in- the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Whitely, ' Ibis,' 1867, p. 
195 : Blakiston and Pryer, « Ibis,' 1878, p. 246 : Seebohm, « Ibis, 1 1879, 
p. 41.) 

This is the Otus vulgaris of former nomenclature. It inhabits the 
greater part of the continents of Europe and Asia and Northern Africa. 
The North American representative is usually considered a distinct 

802. Bubo ionavus, T. Forster. 

Eagle Owl. Jap. ' Shima-fukurou.' 

Digitized by 



This is the B. Maximus of most authors inhabiting Europe and Asia. 

The Yamashita Haku-butsu-kuwaii Museum possesses a live ex- 
ample, and a* specimen obtained in Yezo is in the Hakodate Museum. 
(Blakiston and Pryer, ' Ibis/ 1878, p. 247.) 

808. Scops stictonotus, Sharpe. 

A specimen sent from Hakodate was pronounced by the late Mr. 
R. Swinhoe as of this species, distinct both from S. simia, and 
S. japonicus. It remains to be seen if there are not two species of these 
diminutive Owls in Japan. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis/ 1875, p. 448.) 

804. Scops semitobques, Schleg. 

Owl. Jap. ' Oho-ko-no-ha-dzukn.' 
This Owl, tolerably abundant in Yezo, was identified from there 
by the late Mr. R. Swinhoe. (« Ibis,' 1875, p. 448.) 
Specimens in the Hakodate Museums. 

805. Scops semttorques-major. 

Large specimens from Yokohama and Toukiyau only, Hakodate 
specimens being small. 

We have thought it best to separate the two forms provisionally. 

806. Aquila chrysaetus, L. 

Golden Eagle. Jap. ' Inu-wasmV 
This is included in the 'Fauna Japonica' as A. fulva, on the 
authority of a Japanese drawing. A live specimen at the Kiyou-iku 
Haku-butsu-kuwan, and one obtained in the Yokohama game market, 
are attributed to this species. The Haku-butsu-kuwan specimen had at 
first a white tail, which changed to greyish brown, conspicuously barred 
with black. 

807. Haliaetus albicilla, L. 

White-tailed Eagle. Jap. ' Oho-zhiro-washi.' 
This is the common fishing Eagle of Japan. In Yezo it is numer- 
ous on those parts of the coast most frequented by salmon. It also 
breeds there. The Ainos keep it in confinement in wooden cages, in 
the same way as they do young bears. 

Digitized by 



Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 

808. Haijaetus pelagicus, Pall. 

Northern Sea Eagle. Jap. ' Oho-washi.' 

The existence of this fine Eagle in Japan, — the. authority of tho 
'Fauna Japonica' having been doubted by some ornithologists, — is 
now confirmed by the Kiyou-iku Haku-butsu-kuwafi having received a 
specimen from Eafu-shiu. 

The Hakodate Museum contains specimens from Kamschatka and 
the Sea of Okhotsk. 

809. Pandion hauaetus, L. 

Osprey. Jap. ' Misago.' 
. The Osprey builds near Yokohama .on Saru-shima, where it remains 
the year-round. A specimen collected by Mr. F. Ringer at Nagasaki 
was found to agree with one in' the Hakodate Museum collected in Yezo. 


Black-Eared Kite. Jap. ' Tonbi.' 
This commop bird in the east is found in numbers throughout 
Japan. It is very, useful as a scavenger. The nest is often placed in a 
Cryptomeria, and is composed of a large platform of sticks, with bits 
of rag, paper, etc., for lining. Nidification in the neighbourhood of 
Toukiyau commences early in March, the young, however, not leaving 
the nest before June. Lays two large eggs of a dull white, with liver- 
coloured blotches. Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. 
(Blakiston, 'Ibis/ 1862, p. 814: Whitely, •Ibis/ 1867, p. 194: 
Swinhoe, 'Ibis, 1 1874, p. 160.) 

811. Spizaetus nipalensis, Hodgs. 

Eagle Buzzard. Jap. * Kuma-taka. 1 . 
This fine bird breeds on Ohoyama, where it remains the year round ; 
it can easily be attracted within shot by imitation of a monkey's cry. 
Specimens obtained in Yezo in the Hakodate Museum. Alsq in the 
Toukiyau Museums. 

812. Archtbuteo lagopus, Gm. 

Rough-legged Buzzard. Jap. * Eeashinosuri.' 
Specimens obtained at Hakodate, in the museum there, are referred 
to this species. 

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818. BUTEO JAP0NICUS, T. & S. 

Japan Buzzard. Jap. ' Aka-nosuri.' 

There is a little doubt as to this bird ranking as a species, it being 
considered by some ornithologists as B. plumipes, Hodgs. Mr. J. H. 
Gurney is of opinion that the pale form figured in the 'Fauna Japonica' 
as immature, is merely a less rufous phase of plumage. A specimen 
was sent to Mr. Seebohm early in 1878. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Blakiston 
and Pryer, « Ibis,' 1878, p. 248 : Seebohm, ' Ibis, 1 1879, p. 41.) 


Buzzard. Jap. ' Oho-nosuri.' 
This rests on the authority of the ' Fauna Japonica,' where it is 



816. Butastur indicus, Gmel. 

Buzzard. Jap. ' Sashiba.' 

Very common in Yamato and Shikoku, where it is almost the only 
Hawk to be seen at certain seasons. As yet not found in the north. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, 
•Ibis/ 1879, p. 42.) 

It was given in the ' Fauna Japonica,' as Poliornis poliogenys, 
which now drops into a synonym only. 

816, Pernis PTHiORHYNCHus, Temm. 

Japan Honey-Buzzard. Jap. ' Hachi-kuma.' 
When the * Fauna Japonica ' was published this was considered to 
be identical with the Honey Buzzard of Europe, which it has proved 
not to be. (Seebohm, •Ibis, 1 1879, p. 42.) 


Goshawk. Jap. ' Oho-taka.' 

This is the bird most used by the Japanese for hawking, a spert 
which was much practised in the feudal times., but which is little kept 
up now. 

Obtained at Nitsu-kuwau, Toukiyau, Yokohama, and in Yezo. 
Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 
1879, p. 42.) 

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This is a common bird both on the Main Island and Yezo. Is also 
used for hawking. The Japanese call the male ' Konori ' and the female 
' Haitaka.' 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyan Museums. (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/ 1862, p. 814: Whitely, 'Ibis,' 1867, p. 194.) 

Authentic .specimens from Japan are in the collections of Lord 
Tweeddale and Messrs. Salvin and Go dm an. (Seebohm, ' Ibis,' 1879, 
p. 42.) 


Hawk. Jap. ' Tsume.' 

Figured in the ' Fauna Japonica.' Obtained in Yezo by Commodore 
Perry's expedition. (Swinhoe, * Ibis,' 1868, p. 448.) Other specimens 1 
since obtained. (Seebohm, * Ibis,' 1879, p. 42.) It is considered by 
some as only a large form of A. virgatus, Temm. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. Specimens 
form Nitsu-kuwau and Tsuruga. 

820. Cebchneis tinnunculus. 

Sub-sp. jajyoniais, T. & S. 

Japan Kestrel. Jap. ' Maguso-daka.' 

Deferring to opinions of leading ornithologists, this bird is only 
given the rank of a sub-species of the European Kestrel. It seems 
common enough in the south, including Nagasaki, but examples have 
not yet been obtained in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Seebohm, 
< Ibis,' 1879, p. 42.) 

Eggs 5, reddish- white, patched with red-brown ; often builds in a 
hole in a cliff or bluff. 

821. Hypotriobchis subbuteo, L. 

Hobby. Jap. ' Chigo-hayabusa.' 
Tolerably abundant in Yezo. Specimens in the Hakodate Museum. 
(Swinhoe, 'Ibis,' 1875, p. 448 : Seebohm, 'Ibis,' 1879, p. 42.) 

822. Hypotriorchis jesalon, L. 

Merlin. . Jap. ' Koteu-geiibo,' 

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Very common on the Main Island ; probably the most numerous 
Hawk in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,' 1877, p. 144 : Seebohm, « Ibis,' 1879, p. 45.) 

N.B. — H. amuremis was wrongly admitted in the catalogue of the 
Birds of Japan published in the * Ibis, 4 1878. 

323. Falco peregrintjs, Tunst. 

Peregrine Falcon. Jap. • Hayabusa.' 

This widely distributed bird, although resident in Japan, is believed 
not to be used by the natives for hawking. 

Specimens collected in Yezo are in the Hakodate Museum. (Blakis- 
ton, « Ibis,' 1862, p. 314 : Whitely, « Ibis,' 1867, p. 194.) 

824. Circus cyaneus, L. 

Hen-Harrier. Jap. 'Teuchi.* 

Common in the winter at Susaki, Toukiyau ; in summer in Yezo. 

Specimens in the Hakodate and Toukiyau Museums. (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1875, p. 448.) 

325. Circus spilonotus, Kaup. 
■ Specimens obtained in Yezo in the Kai-taku-shi at Shiba, Toukiyau, 
and in the Hakodate Museum. One procured at Awomori was identified 
by Mr. R. Swinhoe. (' Ibis/ 1877, p. 144.) 
Also in the Toukiyau Museums. 

VOL. VIII. 31 

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( 24 2 ) 


By F. V. Dickins. 

[Read March 9, 1880.] 

I am unable to accept the principles upon which the new scheme 
for romanizing Japanese, as set forth in Mr. Sa tow's recent paper, is 
based ; and venture, therefore, to lay before the Society the grounds 
of my dissent, concluding, as I think I am bound to do, with a state- 
ment of what I conceive to be a more rational and convenient mode of 

Of late years, orthographical systems have been discussed upon 
scientific lines, and practical rules established for the recording of 
articulate sounds by more or less clear and simple methods. The nearly 
unanimous consent of European orthographers and philologers has 
established the supremacy of phonetic over etymological systems of 
writing and spelling, and the differences that exist — and very wide and 
serious they are — among those who have made a special study of the 
subject, relate almost wholly to the practical application of a law or rule 
itself well-nigh universally accepted and whicl) may be formulated in 
the following terms : — 

An alphabet should consist of as few letters as possible, keeping a due 
mean between poverty and redundancy, and each' letter should have a 
constant value which should always be given to it. 

Did an universal alphabet exist, the whole science of orthography 
would be summed up in this law, each articulate sound of human 
speech being represented by a distinct symbol. But in the use of the 

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roman alphabet, which does not represent the whole of the articulate 
sounds in any language, the law requires modification and must be thus 
expressed : — 

An alphabet in roman should consist of as many letters and combina- 
tions of Utters as are necessary to represent the articulate sounds of the 
language to which it is applied and no more ; and each of such letters 
and combinations should have a constant value which should always be 
given to it. 

The first law is better exemplified in the Devanagari than in any 
alphabet I am acquainted with. 

The second law is, I believe, more strictly adhered to in the modern 
orthography of Spanish, than in that of any existing European language. 

Orthography, however, does not aim at more than recording 
articulate sounds ; accent, emphasis or tone cannot well be represented 
by letters, and the quantity of vowels in roman can only be marked by 
signs or by doubling the vowel to represent the quantity when this- 
is long. 

That a right and convenient orthography is a matter of no 
inconsiderable importance will readily to admitted by all who have 
given any thought to the subject. The evils resulting from an imperfect, 
clumsy and obscure system are sufficiently patent, and affect not merely 
the present but each succeeding generation. A confused and uncertain 
orthography, such as that of our own language, following no law, 
phonetic or other, and stuffed with useless and false etymologies, not 
only renders the education of the masses vastly more difficult than it 
need be, but stands in the way of ourselves and our literature being 
adequately known and appreciated by foreigners, to our and their (I dare 
to say) great and permanent harm. It is a monstrous absurdity to 
spell ' cough,' ' though,' 'plough,' ' rough,' and ' through',' — five totally 
distinct sounds — with the same letters • ough,' not one of which has its 
proper value given to it, for the normal English ' u ' is 'that of ' put,' 
• full,' etc., not that of ' gun,' ' dull,' etc. Great, however, as the 
absurdities and inconveniences of our orthographical system are, it is a 
question whether the inconveniences of any very considerable change of 
it would not be greater, and I cannot say that I am prepared to welcome 
any revolutionary modification which might require too large a sacrifice 

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on our part in the interests of posterity. With the Japanese language, 
however, the case is altogether different. There we have to deal not 
with the reformation of an existing, but with the creation of a new, 
roman 'orthography, and there is no reason why the best possible 
system in that character should not be adopted. I have enunciated the 
law which is admitted by European philologers and orthographers to 
form the only proper orthographical rule, and which is essentially 
phonetic in principle. I need only cite as authorities the Spanish 
academy, the spelling reformers of Germany, and such names as Max 
Miiller, Skeat, Morris, Sweet and Ellis. But the kana transliterators of 
Japanese, wholly ignoring European orthographical science, look upon 
the phonetic principle as of merely subordinate value, and base their 
system mainly upon etymology. Their view seems to be that, so far as 
the Japanese language at least is concerned, the writing and spelling of 
words should rather record facts in their history than afford a clear 
And certain guide to their pronunciation. It is with great diffidence 
that I venture to oppose my own opinion to the deliberate expressions 
of such well-known scholars as Mr. Satow and Mr. Chamberlain, but I 
cannot think they are right* in this matter. .1 am not aware of any 
peculiarity in the Japanese language involving the propriety of a different 
orthographical treatment of it from that of other languages, and I shall, 
in the sequel, try to show that the new system cannot be justified by 
the plea of any special practical convenience or need, on the part of 
Japanese scholars or the general public, foreign or Japanese, being met 
by it. The basis of Japanese orthography must, I believe, be phonetic, 
as is most assuredly the basis of European scientific — or, to use a more 
fitting expression — rational orthography. Etymology is an important 
and most interesting science, but with it, in my opinion, the symboliza- 
tion of articulate speech has no concern whatever. Orthography is, 
strictly speaking, an art rather than a science — the art of recording 
language — and, whilS using the simplest available means, should be 
based upon the fewest, clearest and most constant rules. Great as the 
scientific interest of etymology undoubtedly is, it§ practical value is small, 
while the advantages of an uncomplicated orthography are of the highest 
moment to the millions who are concerned with reading and writing 
their language, and have little or no need of being reminded in the 

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spelling of each word of facts in its history. A 'word, indeed, "alphabeti- 
cally written upon an etymological system, is a mere Chinese character 
composed of alphabetic elements : surely a monstrous sort of hybrid not 
in any case to be created, and only to be accepted when already 
existent under inevitable need. 

In addition to these general, there are, to my mind, special, 
objections to the proposed system of transliteration. The Japanese 
iroha is (mainly) a syllabic alphabet wholly unfit for representation 
syllabically in an alphabet of a different kind. In uttering the word 
'Yokohama' we simply recapitulate the syllabic iroha characters of. 
which it is composed by name, but as written in roman the 
characters are not pronounced nominatirn but are used as symbolic 
representations of sounds. The transliteration of iroha into roman 
must follow the laws of the latter alphabet, just as in making a translation, 
however literal, from Japanese into English, we follow the syntactical 
and other rules of English not of. Japanese grammar and composition. 
But the kana transliterators transliterate more than literally : — it is as 
if in putting Japanese into English they gave indeed the English 
equivalent for the Japanese words, but arranged the former in the order 
required by Japanese syntax — something of a convenience possibly to 
Japanese scholars, but a plan utterly unsuitable for the general 
public or for general purposes. 

My venturous criticism, upon Mr. Satow's essay, or rather upon 
the orthographical portion of it, — for with that alone do I feel myself 
competent to deal, — is based upon the Understanding that the scheme set 
forth in it is intended for universal acceptance not only among foreigners, 
but among the Japanese themselves when they shall have the wisdom and 
the courage to discard both the Chinese character and their own kana. 

My opinion is, and long has been, that not all the reforms hitherto 
. made in Japan are collectively of anything like the importance that 
attaches to a romanization of the language. I have not space here to 
do more than indicate the grounds of my opinion. My own experience 
of the language is that a the difficulties met with in its acquirement are 
almost wholly difficulties of decipherment. The best scholars among us 
read the easiest and most clearly printed Japanese painfully ; the most 
intelligible handwriting is a mystery save to perhaps a dozen Europeans, 

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and probably not a single European can handle the Japanese brush with 
the ease of a very ordinarily educated native. Few natives even (I have 
often made the experiment) can read the common books with fluency, — can 
read phrases or lines at a glance as we can in English ; each character 
or word must be singled out by eye and mind and separately perceived 
and comprehended. A native clerk, acquainted with rbman, who for 
some time was in my employ, and who had to translate or copy for me 
numerous legal documents written in Japanese, as well as make extracts 
' from books, was induced by me (chiefly for my own convenience) to 
• use roman in all transcriptions from his own language. I found such 
transcriptions, after a little practice, as easily legible and intelligible as 
similar matter in French or German would be. I could indeed run the 
eye over them with almost the same case as over English documents, 
with immense saving of time and energy. And this though the major 
part of such transcriptions consisted of Sinico-Japanese. Not only 
was this result achieved, but the clerk himself soon* came to prefer his 
romanized transcriptions to copies or 'originals in the Japanese character. 
In short, after much pondering over a' subject that has been matter of 
reflection with me during many years, I am persuaded that the romanization 
of Japanese would do more toward, perfecting the civilizatory changes 
now in progress, by facilitating the education of the people of Japan 
in the more extended sense of the expression, and by enabling them 
more easily to understand and be understood by the rest of the 
world, than the whole mass of reforms that have taken place since the 
downfall of the Tokugawa dynasty. The education of the people would 
be relieved of at least two-thirds of the difficulties that at present attend 
upon it, the spread of knowledge would become possible, and political 
reforms, 1 without which any real or permanent advance of the nation is 

1 Aa matters are, it appears to me that the government is drifting more and 
more into the hands of a set of bureaucratic oligarchs, among whom those who 
have been in Europe or America, and have there become tinctured with western 
ideas, not very completely understood, will have the greatest influence, and will 
be, at the same time, the least in unison with their countrymen. Political power 
cannot be vested in the hands of the masses without concomitant education, which 
in any sufficient degree is impossible so long as about seven years study is 
necessary for a native to become properly conversant with the actual modes of 
writing his own tongue. 

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not to be dreamed of, would thus become feasible. I cannot dwell 
longer on the advantages that would result from the changes ; they are 
sufficiently obvious, and, indeed, may be easily realised by imagining 
for a moment the effect in a country like England of an adoption of 
Japanese modes of representing the language in a written form. I 
shall, however, mention shortly one benefit that would almost surely be 
brought about^— an immense one, though of a purely literary character — 
the arrestment, namely, of the degradation of the language actually in 
rapid progress. Indeed, Japanese is fast disappearing as a written 
language, and becoming replaced by a splay-footed and inharmonious . 
species of broken-down Chinese, difficult of composition and more so of 
comprehension. This particular kind of degradation is only possible 
so long as Chinese characters are employed; the false mintage of 
current writers would of necessity cease when they found themselves 
obliged to use Japanese materials — not mere Chinese signs — to express 
their ideas with. In the term ' Japanese materials ' I of course' include 
such Sinico-Japanese words as have been sanctioned by sufficient usage. 
There are ample stores of such materials in existence without having 
recourse to mere sign-combinations which instruct the eye rather than 
the ear, and which widen the. breach — already too wide — between the 
written and spoken languages. Indeed, I should like to see the use 
of even admitted Sinico-Japanese restricted as much as possible ; new 
combinations might, I think, be made in. nearly all cases of purely 
Japanese elements, with the result of a much more harmonious and 
much more intelligible language than would otherwise be attainable. 8 
I cannot here anticipate objections ; the most serious one would be the 
length of certain combinations of Japanese elements, but these would 
not be longer than what we* find in German. Chinese might still be 
resorted to somewhat as we resort to Latin and Greek — a practice 
which our best writers, however, unite in avoiding as much as possible. 
I do not admit Mr. Chamberlain's contention that there are practi- 
cally two languages in Japan. I am still myself though the molecules of 

9 A Japanese language thus developed, with a few more regular syntactical 
rules than at present seem to be followed, would be an admirable vehicle of 
thought, ami quite capable in time of producing a valuable literature of its own, as 
well as of clear and brief conveyance of western ideas. 

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my body may be replaced every seven or ten years, and despite the 
immense and most regrettable influx of Chinese into the language of 
Japan, it is still Japanese that the- people write and speak, just as 
Johnsonian was still English though stuffed with words of non-English 
origin. In all countries with any literature there is a more or less 
considerable difference between the language of society and that of 
books. In English a large number of words, chiefly of Latin and French 
derivation, are hardly met with out of books ; such as, for instance, 
1 effulgent,' * commodious,' ' calamity,' etc., which in oral intercourse 
would be replaced by 'bright,' ' convenient,' ' misfortune '; but it would 
not, I think, be therefore correct to Bay there were two English 
languages. Nor, indeed, if Mr. Chamberlain's assertion were true, do I 
understand how the fac.t could warrant any departure from an ortho- 
grahical law itself laid down on a rational basis. 

I fail completely, also, to see how the kana system can subserve 
any special . convenience or need of Japanese scholars. These are just 
the very last persons to require being reminded every time they wish to 
write or read the word soro that it may once have been safurafu by 
such a wonderful (to ordinary unlearned folk) spelling of it. 

My criticism upon the details of the kana scheme will be found in 
the presentment of what I venture to call the natural system of 
transliteration, or phonetic romanization of Japanese. But to illustrate 
and make clear the meaning of the foregoing remarks, I shall 
take to pieces a single example of kana orthography, and I 
cannot choose a better one than the Chinese ideograph — for it is 
nothing else — zhiyau, which \ write, and the foma-spellers as well 
as myself and the whole population of Japan pronounce, jo. In 
zhiyau not a single letter retains the phonetic value given to it in 
the kana alphabet ; did they retain that value the combination would 
be pronounced not jo, but dzu-hee-yah-oo. Was any character, now so 
fama-spelled, ever thus pronounced ? • I more than doubt it. If never, 
and still not, so pronounced, why so spell it? What fact of value, 
what certain fact valuable or valueless, does such a spelling preserve 
record of? What need, special or general, does it subserve? Under 
any theory that I can think of the letters ' i ' and ' y ' are redundant, or 
rather superfluous, both phonetically and etymologically. The combina- 

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tion ' zh ' is unnecessary, representing what may be equally well if not 
better represented by * j.' And 'au ' in the same way represents what 
(as I conceive) may be equally well if not bettel' represented by « 6.' 
With regard to this mode of representing the long *o' 8 I may be 
permitted some amplification. It is a great, if not the greatest point in 
the scheme I am considering, that the long * o ' should be represented in 
some cases by * on,' in others by ' au ' in Sinico- Japanese. Thus, it is said, 
the fact of derivation from a Chinese syllable ending in «'ang ' or ( ung ' 
will Jbe preserved, and ' tau ' (Ch. tang) will be distinguished from * tou ' 
(Ch. tmg). This may be true, but as I have previously shown, ortho- 
graphy has nothing to do with etymology at the expense of clearness 
and constancy of sound. Just as no one would dream of inventing an 
English orthography which would use the same letters 'ough' to 
represent five different sounds (' though,' ' rough,' * thought,' ' plough/ 
'through'), so no one, I conceive, ought to invent a Japanese ortho- 
graphy which would use a number of different letters or combinations to 
represent the same sound. What is unwise economy in the one case — 
orthographical stinginess — is unwise redundancy — orthographical pro- 
digality — in the other. Again, is the distinction worth preserving ? I 
think not. 

We are not sure that Chinese * ang ' and ' ung ' were ever pro- 
nounced * au ' (ah-oo) or • ou ' (oh-oo) by the Japanese. The spelling 
* an,' ' ou ' was perhaps meant as an imitation of the Chinese nasal 
sound before the invention of the kana character y which (I cannot 
remember upon what authority I make the statement) I believe was 
invented after the rest of the iroha. I do not understand how a 
nasal (properly pharyngeal) sound produced at the back of the mouth 
without the aid of buccal or labial muscular action could glide into a 
sound ' ah-oo ' or * oh-oo ' produced at the front of the oral cavity with 
buccal and labial assistance. The'theory, therefore, on which * ang ' and 
< ang ' are represented by s au ' and * ou ' I am compelled to reject. I can 
better comprehend the spellings ' teu ' and ' sen ' so far as the ' eu ' is 
concerned, because these Sinico- Japanese syllables commonly represent 
Chinese originals in * ao,' and * ao ' readily enough glides into * eu ' 
(eh-oo). Again, ' au' does not'always represent ' ang ' nor ' ou ' ' ung ' ; 

8 Also represented by the combinations * eu,' * efu,' * afu,' • ofu ' and * oho.' 
vol. rax. 32 

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nor does either, in any case, indicate more than a relation to a class of 
'ang" or 'ling' (or 'ing') Chinese syllables, never to the actual 
Chinese original save when (if ever) the ' class' is reduced to a single 
individual. For instance, c mau ' might indicate a specific original if 
there were in Chinese but one single character with the sound * mang '; 
if there were two or more so sounded the spelling * mau ' would merely 
show that the Chinese original was one of a number of characters each 
pronounced ( mang.' 

Many of the Chinese syllables now pronounced with final ' ang ' 
were anciently pronounced with final ' ring,' * eung,' or even * ong,' and 
it is therefore possible that 'au' may be in many cases a wrong 
replacement of ' ou ' on the kana system itself. 

I shall now take the syllable sho and see what the spellings shiyau 
and shiyou may respectively indicate. * 

Shiyau may indicate any of the following Chinese characters 
pronounced in current Kwanhwa: c chang/ • ch'ang/ c chwang/ ' shang,' 
4 shong / in other dialects ' cheung/ ' chiong/ * ch'eung/ * ch'iong/ 
•chong/ *chiung/ 'sheung/ ' shiong/ 'shang/ 4 seng/ and anciently 
' tung ' * t'ung ' and * shung ' : — jg£ and compounds jj£ || ffc fgfc ■££ jgf 
jfj $£ . h 1ft 4? Ml an d many others, qua nunc perscribere longum est. 

Shiyou may indicate any of the following Chinese signs pro- 
nounced in current Mandarin: ( chung,' ' ch'ung/ etc.: anciently * tong,' 
• t'ong/ etc.: — g|, H tfi» 8 m & others. Also not a few characters 
pronounced ' ching/ * ch'ing/ and ' shing ' in Mandarin are written 
in kana with final * ou.' Thus ^K, Qf, Jgfc, J£ (and compounds) f£, 
JSfc> 2> IJfr ft (»P* compounds) j$, p, $|, 3j£, Jg, jg, etc., etc., are, 
in Sinico-Japanese dictionaries, commonly transliterated in * ou/ as 
4 shiyou/ * zhiyou * or * chiyou.' Some, perhaps, ought to be rendered 
with * ya ' in lieu of * yo.' 

From the above it is abundantly clear that the spellings * ou ' and 
1 au ' preserve no record of any valuable etymological (or other) fact — of, 
indeed, any certain fact valuable or valueless — except that some characters 
pronounced now with final long ' o ' sound are in Japanese dictionaries 
usually spelt * au ' and ' ou.' But why introduce phonetic inconstancy 
and redundancy merely to record a practice of Japanese dictionaries — a 

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practice, too, not invariable, for in some the Sinico- Japanese c 6 ' is repre- 
sented not by ' au, f ' ou,' but by * afu,' ' ofu ' ? The kana spelling of 

* 6,' then, is admittedly of no phonetic nse, and I show that it is of no 
etymological value either. Has it any practical value? It may 
distinguish to the eye ' ton's ' from ' tau's,' but not one ' ton ' 
from another ' ton/ or one ' tau ' from another ' tan.' I think I am 
justified in saying that ft would not be worth while to add a dot to a 
written word for the purpose of making the first mentioned distinction. 
I may here remark, parenthetically, that in Chinese the older sound 
of 'ang' was nearly always 'ung,' the reverse seldom obtaining; 
and * ou ' (in Sinico- Japanese), therefore, is a more legitimate spelling 
in all probability than ' au.' Still, whatever may have been the reason, 

• ang ' was generally rendered 'au' or * ara/ and * ung ' * ou ' or 
' ofu '; but as the reason, whatever it was, no longer exists, and as the. 
spelling phonetically inadmissible is etymologically and practically 
valueless, I do not see why it should be re-created in a romanized 
transliteration. To abolish it in using the kana syllabaries were another 
matter, with which I do not here concern myself. 

In what precedes I must not be understood to assert that ortho- 
graphy ought to take no notice of etymology. On the contrary, there are 
in all languages words susceptible of various spellings, in the choice of 
which etymology and practical convenience may be useful guides. But 
orthography ought in no case to yield to etymology-— or at least such cases 
are extremely rare ; it may concede something to practical convenience 
in instances of special importance. The law and rule I have ventured to 
enunciate involve in their application the greatest possible economy of 
letters, and thus of time, type and paper — no inconsiderable advantages. 
By way of illustration I give a sentence taken from Mr. As ton's 
grammar, written according to the kana scheme, and according to my 
own, which I term the Natural System. 

Shiyo kan wo mochite kdzhiyau itashi safurafu. (40 letters, one 

Sho kan wo motte keijo itashi soro. (28 letters, 8 marks.) 

I believe the letter-economy on the natural system is, in relation 
at all events to Sinico-Japanese, fully thirty per cent, on the letter- 
labour of the kana system. Lastly, Japanese, like Spanish and Italian, 

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is a language peculiarly suited for phonetic representation. The vowel 
sounds are distinct, there are no diphthongs, no difficult aggregations of 
consonants, and very few peculiar sounds. 

I shall now present my own natural scheme, not as a perfect one, 
but as ( materiel pour servir, 1 

The general rules of it are sufficiently simple. 

1st. Full value to be always given to each letter or combination. 

2nd. The alphabet consists of certain letters and certain combina- 
tions having constant values. 

8rd. The vowels are sounded as in Italian, except • u '. 

4th. The consonants sole and in combinations are pronounced as 
in English. 

5th. 'U' is pronounced as in English 'put,' 'full,' etc.; the com- 
bination 'hi' and the letters 'g,' 'n,' V have peculiar values, differing 
somewhat but not much from their values in English and most 
continental languages. 

[In 'zhiyau' (j6) every one of these rules is transgressed — O 
scelus ! — unless, indeed, the whole be considered as a kind of ideographic 
combination, to which plea I should put in the replication that it is an 
uneconomical and unnecessary combination of unsuitable elements.] 

The alphabet consists of the following vowels, a, e, i, o, u, pro- 
nounced as in Italian, save ( u* which is sounded as in English 'put/ 
' full ;' for a> see below. There are no diphthongs, full value being given to 
each member of a combination of vowels. The consonants and their com- 
binations are, following the order sanctioned in Mr. Satow's paper 1 : — k, 
g, s, sh, z, t, ts, ch, d, j, dz, n, h, hi, f, p, b, m, y, r, w. All are pro- 
nounced as in English, subject as undersaid. 

* G.' Always hard. I agree entirely with what is proposed in Mr. 
Satow's paper, page 289, relative to this letter. 

* 8/ ( sh.' See the above paper, page 240. But & I write f ji.' & 
has exactly that value ; ' zh ' has it not in any language that I know of. 
Whether there was ever any difference between $r and -flam not 
sure. I am sure there is none now, and there is no etymological 
advantage to be gained, by writing «r and -F differently, to counter- 
balance the phonetic confusions and redundancy that would result 

* Transactions, vol. vii, page 255. 

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G oogl e ^ 


from such a transliteration. Nor is * zh * a fit combination. Z was 
originally pronounced * sd ' (then as in old English confounded with y) ; 
' h ' is an aspirate and in «r I find nothing of either sound. & again . 
does not bear the relation to $/ that ' zh ' bears to * sh, v which is exactly 
that of the ' s ' in ' occasion/ ' pleasure/ etc., to the ' ss ' in ' passion/ 
But I do not think that this 'zh' ('a* in ' occasion/ 'pleasure/ etc., or 
French ' j ' sound) exists in Japanese at all. 

I ought to have stated that as some standard must be adopted, I 
adopt the pronunciation of the better classes in Yedo as mine. • 

1 Ch * with * sh ' and — but in a less degree — ' hi ' are the only 
empirical combinations ; ' ts ' and ' dz ' have the full value of their 
constituents : indeed they are not, strictly speaking, combinations at ail. 

' Dz ' is only to be used with the vowel ( u/ and represents both 
X and yv 

"' N ' is to be written simply. At the end of syllables it possesses 
a slight nasality (more accurately pharyngeality). In Sinico- Japanese 
compounds a hyphen should intervene between the final ' n ' of a first 
and a beginning vowel of a sequent syllable. The hyphen tends, among 
other advantages it has, to indicate equality of stress of accent on the 
elements of a Sinico- Japanese compound. Thus A kuwan-on/ *kon-i/ 
not 'kuwanon/ 'koni.' To. my mind the Spanish 'n' does not 
represent the sound : the Sanscrit * n ' with a dot over it would be more 
correct. The nasality is often very slight, and replaced by a double ' n ' 
sound, e.g. 'tennd/ 'yennin/ for 'ten-6/ 'yen-in. 1 Before consonants 
other than ' k ' and ' g/ ' n ' is not nasalised more at ail events than in 
English. 'Hannen/ ' andon/ # anraku/ 'konjitsu/ etc., etc., do not at 
all need to be written with n. It is to be remembered, too, that 
Sinico- Japanese syllables in ' n ' are not forms of the distinctly nasal 
Chinese syllables in ' ng/ The nasalisation is probably euphony only, 
and as I have said is often hardly perceptible. Such at least is my 

1 H * is always a strong aspirate." I doubt the wisdom of using it 
before terminal-' u ' and ' i ' of verbs (' omohu/ ' omohi ') ; ' ohoi ' I should 
write *6i/ 'he/ 'ye/ unless the 'h* be used as an aspirate. But see post. 

' Hi ' I should use for the peculiar sound described in Mr. Satow's 

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4 F ' has always its full value. I should not write ' fu ' or ' fi ' 
except where the * f * was pronounced with full value. In my scheme 
it would only he found with the vowel ' u.' 

' R,' « P,» « B, ' * M,' * Y ' are sufficiently treated of in Mr. Satow's 

1 W ' is used with ' a ' only, save in the particle 'wo.' 

I now pass on to the important subject of orthography, premising that 
I can attempt here nothing more than a sketch, which others with more 
leisure and greater competence ad hoc must nil up. Imperfect as the 
Roman alphabet is, it is a much more perfeet sound-representing means 
than the kana syllabary, and in using the better it does not appear to me 
wise to limit oneself in the least degree by the worse mode. 

And first as to vowel spelling. 

I dp not make — it is not necessary to make — any diphthongs in 
Japanese. The vowel-combinations are 'ai,' *au ' ('am* ( ahu' in kana), 
1 ei,' ' in' (• ifu,' • ihu ' in kana) y «ou' permissibly (' ofu ' 'ohu* in kana), 
1 aa • or long • & ' as in ' obaasan,' ' ii ' or long • i ' as in ' yoroshii,' ' po ' 
or long * 6,' of which more anon, and ' uu ' or long c u * as in ' fuufu.' 
The double vowels I spell as pronounced — double. Eaoh vowel com- 
bination — each element — it may be fairly said has Ml value given to it 
in a good pronunciation. 

The sound of long ' 6,' in Sinico Japanese especially, I pcefer to write 
so— whether represented in kana by ' an,' ' eu,' or ' on.' I should still 
more prefer to write it like the contraction for * ra ' in old English MS. 
or the Omega in modern Greek and Russian, thus : — ' *>.' This oharacter 
might be adopted when the Japanese take to romanization. But where 
' 6 ' is represented in kana by * ofu,' as in ' omofu,' I think ' ou ' 
(or ' own ') may be written. In words like ' omofu ' I fancy the ' u ' 
sound is perceptible. At any rate it is worth while to try to preserve it 
for reasons of clearness and convenience as well as of etymology. 
* Omou ' as contraction for * omoku ' (heavy), no doubt will be liable 
to be confounded with * omou '* (to think) ; but all anomalies cannot be 
avoided by any system, and position always makes it easy to distinguish 
between a verb and an adjective. A combination like ' yefu ' is difficult 
to treat. I think as the * o ' sound runs through the conjugation, * yefu ' 
should be spelt ' you ' (or perhaps ' yowu '). In cases like ' yoku,* 

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contracted into* 1 yd,' I see no objection to the form * yo'u,' as we write 
in English ' I'm,' « don't,' « he's ; ' as in Dutch, « s Gravenhoge ; ' as 
ia French Ton,' 'd'un,' etc., etc. And in any case 'omowu' is 
preferable to ' omofa,' the latter form being misleading phonetically, the 
former only redundant. The same observations apply to words like 

* warawn,' ' kirawu,' which may be so ^written, or « warau,' ' kirau,' which 
I prefer ; but I cannot stomach c kirafu,* ( warafu,' whether or not the 
Japanese so signified their hatred or mirth ten or twenty centuries ago. 
' Oho ' in * ohoi,' ( Ohozaka,' etc., I should write 6 (or o>). I think the 
' ho ' is a mere intensitive lengthener like the second ' o ' in Dutch ' 00/ 
and that the ( h ' was never pronounced : it certainly has no value given 
to it in the Japanese speech of the day. 

Where 'ki,' 'gi,' 'ni,' • hi,' ' ri ' precede c y,' I am inclined to 
preserve both « i ' and ' y ;' thus * kiyd,' • giya,' etc., for to my ear both 
are sounded. If both are not retained I should prefer to retain the ' y.' 
'Kydto' would be less likely to be mauled than kid as in Kidto 
'(kye-oh-to). ' Ke,' or • ge,' followed by ' u ' of course become ' kiyd, 
•giyd,' 'meu,' 'miyd;' so « seu ' becomes 'shd'j'teu' 4 chd'; *deu" 
A zeu,' jd ; • heu,' hiyd ; ' beu,' * biyd.' « Shi,' c chi,' * ji ' preceding « y ' 
the combination loses ' i ' and ' y ' thus : 

shiya, shiyo, sha, sho. 
• chiya, chiyo, cha, cho. 

jiya, jiyo; ja, jo. 

It is an essential part of my scheme that ' h ' should never be 
written unless intended to be pronounced as an aspirate. Thus I write 
1 kuwan,' not ' kuhan ' (as it is often spelt in kana). I go so far as to 
write ' kawa,' not ' kaha.' I cannot see the advantage of writing 
'ka-ha' and pronouncing * ka-wa.' I do not retain the 'h' in verbal 
forms. * Warahi,' A samurahi ' (kana) I prefer as ' warai,' ' samurai ' ; 
or at least as * warawi,' ' samurawi.' 

( H' before *e' presents some difficulty, but I should still follow the 
rule and write * kayeri,' not 'kaheri ; ' ' haraye ' not ' harahe.' I am not 
sure indeed that it would not be still better to write simply ' kaeri,' ' harae.' 

The kana ' ye ' I should always so write. In words like ' yenrio,' 
4 yennin,' the ( y ' sound is always to my ear more or less distinct, in 

* yen ' especially so. 

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The doable consonants likewise present some difficulty, but I should 
nevertheless write them donble instead of with preceding * tsn ' or ' ku ' 
or * chi • or ' ri/ unless these syllables are to be pronounced, as is 
sometimes the case. 'Mochite,' ' ante,' etc., I have often heard so 
pronounced in lieu of * motte,' ' atte,' especially in law-courts in 
reading judgments, etc., etc. Thus my scheme would give, — 
nikki, not nitsuki. 

ittau, " itsutau. 

icchi (itchi?), " itsuchi. 
akki, " akuki. 

issho, " itsusho. 

hiyappo, " hiyaku-ho. 
rippa, " ritsuha. 

' Ku,' « gu/ before ' wo/ should be written in full. Thus ' kuwd/ not 
* ^ ' ( jfc). The pronunciation ' kuwd ' (' u ' short as always in Japanese) 
is not uncommon, and an endeavour should be made to retain it. 
\) appears to be exactly the Sanskrit ' lri.' This peculiar 'r' seems 
to be most commonly pronounced before ' i/ not before other vowels. 9 
does not, I thinfc, occur in any Japanese word as an accented syllable. 

To my ear the accent in Japanese, especially in the pure language, 
tends to throw itself on the last syllable, save where this is * u/ and in 
the latter case on the penultimate. The same obtains in French (the 
exception as to * u ' being replaced by a similar one as to * e ' mute), and 
as a consequence in French, as in Japanese, the stress of accent is much 
less than in English, German, or Italian. The ' e ' mute sound, as in 
French 'menu,' 'dehors,' German, ' muhme/ ' deutsche,' does not 
exist in Japanese (nor in Italian or Spanish). 

' D ' is not, I think, found in pure Japanese at all ; in Sinico- Japanese 
only before ' a ' and ' o.' 

' F * I find only before ' u.' ' L * not at all, nor * P ' (in Japanese 
words), save in onomatopoetic expressions. 

4 Si/ ' ti/ ' tu/ and the French ' j ' are absent ; so also both ' th ' 
sounds and that of ' v/ 

' W ' and ' Y ' are always consonants in my scheme. 
I claim the following advantages to be possessed by the Natural 
over the kana system. 

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1. Considerable economy of letters ; hence of type, time and paper. 

2. Constancy of letter- value ; hence freedom from phonetic uncer- 
tainty, while no etymological fact of any importance is lost. 

8. Accordance with the spelling reform tendencies of most modern 
European languages (and with the spelling scheme advocated by Dr. 
Hunter under the Indian government for the romanization of Indian 
languages), which are wholly phonetic. Sanskrit to some extent is an 
exception, but this is chiefly because the Devanagari is itself a most 
perfect phonetic non- syllabic alphabet. 

4. Briefer and easier for the Japanese themselves and for foreigners 
to learn and adopt. 

5. The letter- values approximate so nearly to those of most 
European alphabets that most Europeans would sufficiently well 
pronounce Japanese without special study; Englishmen alone would 
have to remember that the vowels have a, continental value (save * u '). 

6. The easy rule, consonants and their combinations as in English, 
vowels as in Italian, practically sufficient -for ordinary purposes; the 
peculiar sounds * hi,' * ri,' etc., pronounced according to this rule not 
considerably differing from the true pronunciation. 

7. Less departure from the commonly received system. 
The only disadvantages I can think of are : — 

1. Some antique pronunciations would not be recorded. 

2. Relation of Sinico-Japanese words ending in * 6 ' to their Chinese 
originals would somewhat but not greatly be obscured. 

8. In some instances words similarly pronounced would lose the eye 
distinction of difference in spelling. 

Thus shiyau-nin (sJwnin) j§jA> <a merchant/ would not be 
distinguishable from shiyou-nin (slionin) f|A <a witness/ The dis- 
advantage here is real, but not, I submit, so great as to counterbalance 
the advantages I have enumerated. I do not think the number of words 
similarly pronounced to be numerous. There are of course a great 
many* shO' and 'jd,' but these are commonly in some combination. 
Besides the kana system does not distinguish between the many ' sho ' 
and «jd' spelt & a $r and -p «a *r respectively ; it distinguishes at the 
most but the class spelt with -V $r from that spelt with a £r . 
yol. vni. 83 

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258 diodns: the kaka translitbbation system. 

In cases like 'omd' (omoku), 'omd' (omdfd), 'omoi* (omoki, 
omoshi), ' omoi ' (omofi), I think it might he advisable to spell ' omo'u ' 
(omoku), ' omowu ' (omofu), ' omo'i ' (omoki, omoshi), ' omowi * 
(omofi). This would preserve an useful eye- difference without introduc- 
tions of phonetic confusion. Indeed the ' w ' in ' omowu ' might be of 
service in conserving a slight difference of pronunciation between ' omd ' 
(heavy) and * omd * (to think). 

Lastly, the Natural System would, as I have pointed out, tend 
indirectly yet powerfully to arrest the process of degradation to whicE 
literary Japanese more especially, but the spoken language, though to 
a less degree, as well, is being subjected. 


A \ ^ iu ^ iu (iwu). 

fr 7 . ' 

& o * 

p ro ro rd rou (rowu). 

* 7 v ' 

>* ha ** hd ^ hau (hawu). When h is not aspirated, wa. 

>* pa. 
jt ba. 

^ ni ~" niyo *"" niu. 

* ho * ho hd hou (howu). When h not asp. wo or o. 

tff po. 

Tjr bo. 

^ he ^ hiyd. When h not asp. ye or e. 

~e pe. 
-< be. 

t to * td '"to tou (town). 

Y do. 

** chi ** cha cho -y ch6 a ch6 ~ chin. 

■v =* & 

Digitized by 



f Jl. 

»; »; 

• * ; 




* nu. 

ju- ra. 

^ and % o 




ou (owu 

)■ i 

JT wa ^,6 (wo perhaps better, certainly so after P or jf). 

* ka kd kau (kawu). 

* Yo ^ y° a yo you (yowu). After t or y the y is lost. 

» ta f to * tan (tawu). 

if da. 

V re riyd (?) riyo, riyou, riyowa (rewil). 

> so 

£ * 

s6 son (sowu) 

jr zo. 

3> tsu 

» ""TO 

9 (?) tsuu, tsi 

y dzu. 

•^ ne. 

7 ra 


7 rau (rawu). 

•J- na 


nau (nawu). 

a ma. 

£r n when not compounded with a or o sound. 

; no nd no nou (nowu). 

Digitized by 



^ ku. 
if gu. 

"V y a Z y° (?) y aa (y awu )« Loses y after ^ . 

<v ma 

"* mo man (mawu). 

* y * } 

jr ke 

* kiyd. 

** ge. 

7 fa when f is sounded, otherwise u or wu, 

7° P*- 


•jr bu. 

a ko 

3 ko a ko kou (kowu). 

* go. 

si and 

* y e f! y° A y° u (yowu) (y 

v y 

•9- sa 

* so * san (sawu). 

if za. 

^ te 



5? de 


7 a 

^6 ^ au (awu). 

*f ki * kiya ^kiyo a -V kiyo. 

¥ gi. 

a. yu where y is pronounced, otherwise u. 
>t me £ tniyd. 

s mi c miya = miyo a if miyo. 

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hi where h asp., 

, otherwise 

i or wi. 





q& mo * m6 * m6 mou (mowu). 

<te se 1* shd. 

* -a 

V ze - jo. 

* su. 
X" dzu. 

V n. 

In the above scheme are some sounds represented which I am not 
sure exist in Japanese. For certain of the iroha combinations, a choice 
of r oman transliterations is offered ; bat, throughout, the phonetic principle 
is adhered to for endings such as (* ?)(-* ?) (* b)(-* b) (*£ *). 4 
I cannot quite please myself between (mou mown) (man mawu) (moi 
mowi) (mai mawi) (md mo'u). On the whole I incline in each case to 
the former mode. In ' yefu/ to be drunk, we have an anomaly, but 
throughout the conjugation of the word the * yo ' sound is, I think, 
adhered to. With double consonants I should write the mark of omission 
('); thus, ak'ki, rip 'pa, is'sho, it'chi (or ic'chi?). This would not 
be unphonetic, and would indicate a proper stress on the doubled 

I have written the foregoing pages, currente calamo, and do not 
put forward my criticism or my scheme as exhaustive or accurate. It 
were impossible for me, having no authorities at hand and writing 
chiefly from memory, to submit more than an imperfect sketch of what 
I conceive to be the weak points in the kana scheme, and of a better 

4 There will be the Sinioo-Japanese ,«£ ijr about which I do not hesitate. I 
represent it by md. Then there is -=fc £r , contraction for ^ 9 , as ^ ^ & , 
heavy. This might be written mo'u. 

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system. Bat neither distance from Japan nor the pressure of other 
occupations than the pleasant one of discussing cosas ds Japon will ever 
make me lose, I trust, my deep interest in the country where I have 
spent so many of the best years of my life — in its past and future, in its 
people, their fortunes, language and literature. And I hope that my 
desire to be useful in this matter of transliteration will stand me as 
seme defence for inflicting upon the society the foregoing paper, which 

1 feel to be a crude presentment of imperfectly thought-out conceptions. 


2 Temple Gardens, 
London, October, 1879. 


The President, after thanking the author, and also Mr. Dallas for reading the 
paper, suggested that a phonetic system of transliteration might be found useful in 
providing a good means for beginning the study of the language, as had been 
found to be the case by the advocates of the phonetic spelling of English. It had 
to be borne in mind that no phonetic system could be absolutely accurate in 
expressing all the delicate varieties of sound in any one language. He was sorry 
to see that Mr. Satow was absent, but he hoped Mr. Chamberlain would have 
something to say. 

In reply to the President's invitation to address the meeting, Mr. Chanberlain, 
while paying a tribute to Mr. Dickins's well-merited reputation as a Japanese 
scholar, could not help drawing attention to the fact that, in citing as a parallel 
to the "orthographic" spelling of Japanese the historic method of spelling our 
own tongue which is now so very generally condemned by scientific philologists, 
Mr. Dickins had coupled together two things between which there is scarcely any 
resemblance. The common English spelling is not consistently etymological, nor 
indeed consistent in any way. The Japanese spelling of all native words t« 
indisputably etymological. Even if Mr. Dickins's contention against the value of 
the etymologies of words borrowed from the Chinese be admitted for the sake of 
argument, it was already abundantly shown in Mr. Satow's original paper on the 
subject of transliteration that it would be highly inconvenient to allow the 
romanization of such words to proceed on a different principle to the romanization 
of words of native origin. The most trenchant arguments by which the phonetio 
reformers of England, and of one or two continental countries support their 
proposed innovations therefore fall to the ground in this glace. If, following Mr. 

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Dickins's example, European precedents are to be brought forward, let us 
rather adduce that of Greece, whose case is almost exactly parallel to the case of 
Japan. There, too, there is an ancient tongue, the vehicle of almost all the 
literature, and a modern dialect whose pronunciation is so much corrupted that, to 
say nothing of other peculiarities, no fewer than seven letters or combinations of 
letters are spoken with the one sound i, reminding one of the variously written 
Japanese o's, whose unfamiliar spelling has of late been made the butt of so much 
ridicule. Would now, let it be asked, any one seriously propose that Greek as* a 
whole,— ancient literary Greek as well as modern colloquial Greek — should be 
spelt according to the present Athenian pronunciation, simply on the score of the 
greater convenience of such a plan to the few foreigners resident in the Greek 
ports ? But it is thus that our Japanese phonetists ask us to act : in order to 
facilitate the reading of some few names of places, steamers and such like to 
English persons unacquainted or imperfectly acquainted with the Japanese lan- 
guage, we are to commit the anachronism of transliterating the traditional standard 
tongue, which is centuries old, according to the modern pronunciation of Tedo, 
which may be different a hundred years hence from what it is to-day; for 
pronunciation is a thing that is of its nature fluctuating, and a system of 
writing which follows it therefore of necessity unstable. Referring to Mr. 
Dickins's animadversion on his (Mr. Chamberlain's) distinction of two tongues 
classed under the one denomination of " Japanese," he could only reassert that, 
quite apart from the influence of Chinese words, the native language had in the 
course of centuries suffered such modifications that the older written and the 
younger spoken form differed as much from each other as Latin and Italian. The 
grammatical terminations were different, and even such common words as "to 
be," "I" and u you" were different. The comparison drawn between usual 
English and the stilted English that flowed from Johnson's pen was, therefore, 
misleading because insufficient. The disagreement between the advocates of • 
phonetic and those of "orthographic" spelling was doubtless one which it were 
vain ever to hope to see changed into unanimity, as the first principles which each 
party takes as the basis of its opinions are diametrically opposed. But if the final 
vote of public opinion were to be given against the " orthographists," Mr. 
Chamberlain could not but hope that Dr. Hepburn's system would be, of the many 
competing phonetic systems, the one in favour of which the community would 
decide. Dr. Hepburn's system has some strange inconsistencies (e. g. the 
treatment of the letters *ch' and '],*) but at^east it aims at being a true 
representation of the sounds that meet the ear. In Mr. Dickins's paper, on the 
other hand, we are no sooner enlightened by the phonetic rule than we stumble 
across the historic exceptions, and after being told shiyau and shiyou are 
altogether irrationally divergent representatives of the one sound sho, we have 
perforce to accommodate ourselves to omou and omowu as written equivalents of 
the one sound omd. No ; logic compels us to adopt one consistent system, be it a 
strictly phonetic one, or else the " orthographical " one which is advocated by Mr. 

Digitized by 



Satow and his supporters, and which, leas ambitions than the proposal now before 
the meeting, does not undertake to make a revolution in the speech of the Empire, 
bnt only sets to itself the humbler, but more practicable, task of representing in 
Boman letters the Japanese written language such as it was and is. 

Mr. Bramsen said that, however much he should have liked to make a few 
remarks on Mr. Dickins's paper, and on the subject of a uniform and general 
system of transliteration, he was sorry to say he had come to the conclusion 
that any labors in this direction would, at present, be entirely thrown away. In 
his opinion it was hopeless to think of any such universal system, when we have 
evidence before us that this learned society, which must be supposed to consist 
of those who would take most interest in such matters, has not yet brought 
itself to adopt a fixed system of transliteration in its* transactions. Not only do 
the various contributors follow different systems of writing, but in some papers no 
method at all is followed, and the same words on one page are written according 
to some phonetic system, and on the next in conformity with the historical 
(orthographic) system. The speaker thought it was high time that something 
was done to ameliorate this deplorable state of affairs, and he therefore gave 
notice that he intended at the next meeting to make the following proposal : 
" That three members of the Council and three ordinary members of the Society 
be chosen by this meeting to form a committee whose duty it shall be to consider 
what measures can be taken to ensure some kind of uniformity in the transliteration 
of Japanese words in the Society's Transactions; and that the result of their 
deliberations, in the form of some rule, be placed before a General Meeting 
for adoption.*' 

Mr. Dallas said that, alike with Mr. Dickins, he felt very great diffidence 
in putting forth an opinion in opposition to that held by scholars of such eminence 
as Mr. Satow and Mr. Chamberlain, but it appeared to him that they allowed 
it to be inferred that the orthodox mode of expressing Japanese words in Eana, — 
which forms the basis of their Kana-transliteration system,— is generally known 
to the people of Japan to somewhat the same extent as the accepted spelling 
of English is known to the population of England. His own experience was that 
the contrary was the case, and that only an extremely small percentage of the 
well-educated class had any acquaintance with what Mr. Chamberlain had well 
termed the "historical" mode of writing in Eana. Some years ago, when 
preparing a paper for this Society during a residence in the interior, where the 
loeal dialect very greatly mauled the pronunciation, his only mode of getting at 
the pronunciation accepted in T6kiy6 or Eiydto was to ascertain how a character 
was expressed in Eana; and he was supprised to find that out of a class of some 
twenty young men of from eighteen to five and twenty years of age, most of whom 
were tolerably good Chinese scholars, only two seemed to be at all certain of 
the mode of spelling, and even these had constantly to refer to the dictionary. 
He quite agreed with Mr. Chamberlain that in any attempt to romanize Japanese 
the point to be kept in view was its practical utility to the Japanese rather than 

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the convenience of foreigners unacquainted with the language, but he thought 
that it should be made useful to the millions, whose intercourse is restricted 
by the extreme difficulty of their present method of writing, rather than to the 
limited number of highly educated men who have so thoroughly mastered the 
present system as to be able to express themselves in it with facility. Few errors 
are more common among foreigners than that of supposing that the majority 
of Japanese are able to readily read and write. It must surely be in the every-day 
experience of those members of the Society, who are not themselves, independent 
ot such aid, that, if they ask an average Japanese to read a letter for them, 
he does not read it as it is written, but merely renders the sense of it in his own 
words, and if pressed for the actual words of the writer, he will have to confess that 
he cannot give them. While the written and spoken languages differ as much as 
they do*, it is no paradox, but a simple fact, to say that the ordinary Japanese 
cannot write what he speaks, and cannot read what he writes 1 The great 
advantage of romanization would be that it would allow the spoken language to be 
expressed on paper, and thus bring letter-writing within the reach of millions 
of the population who now never attempt it. A financier might safely predict that 
were romanization of Japanese to be generally introduced into \he lower grade* 
schools throughout the country ,*it would in a few years produce a very material 
increase in the revenue of the Post Office. In discussing, then, the merits of 
a Phonetic or Eana transliteration, it must be borne in mind that either system 
would be equally new to the people at large, and Mr. Dickins's point cannot 
be too strongly insisted on, that, the question for the Japanese is not one of reforma- 
tion but one of creation. If this be granted, and overwhelming evidence of its truth , 
is within reach of every resident in Japan, the advantages that Mr. Dickins has so 
ably urged of a phonetic, over any other system, historical or etymological, can 
hardly be gainsaid. He (the speaker) would not occupy the time of the meeting 
by entering into those minor details, in respect of .which he would like to suggest 
modifications to Mr. Dickins's scheme, as such points would be more conveniently 
discussed before the committee contemplated by the motion of which Mr. Bramsen 
had just given notice. 

Mr. Bramsen said :— Although before coming to this meeting I had made 
up my mind not to join in any discussion, the temptation is too great, and I 
cannot help saying that I share in Mr. Dallas's opinion, that the Japanese are not 
well posted in the use of the Eana. I have made frequent experiments in this 
direction, and one of them seems to me to be very striking. I have a highly- 
educated and well-read friend, by name Shoda. I once asked him : how dp you 
spell the first part of your name, Shiyau, Shiyou, Seu or Sefu? My friend 
answered : I write it thus : — at the same time putting down on the paper one 
Chinese character. But, I said, how do you write it in Kana ? To which he replied : 
"1 do not know, and I do not care to know I " And this was the very point on 
which the parallel drawn by Mr. Chamberlain with modern Greek did not hold 
good. The Greeks do write in their alphabet, and cannot write in'any other way ; 
vol. vm. 34 

Digitized by 


( aw ) 

while the Japanese do not write in the Eana. The proposers of the new ortho- 
graphical system thus actually require foreigners to do what the Japanese cannot 
do themselves. 

Mr. Ewing remarked that it was quite possible that the changes in the 
pronunciation of a language to which Mr. Chamberlain referred were due to the 
fact that the language was not spelt phonetically, in which case the objection to 
phonetic spelling as requiring change from time to time would be invalid. It was 
quite true, as .the President had observed, that no phonetic system could hope to 
represent all the minute varieties of sound present in a language. Each symbol 
must represent a group of very closely allied sounds rather than a single definite 
sound, and within this range variation might occur. But once a language was 
spelt phonetically, we should expect the subsequent variations of pronunciation to 
be confined within those limits which determined the actual range of pnonetio 
value possessed by any one symbol when the spelling was first fixed. 

Digitized by 


( 267 ) 


By R. W. Atkinson, B. Sc. (Lond.) 

[Read February 10, 1880.] 

It was my intention to have made an extended series of analyses 
of the clays used in the principal centres of the porcelain manufacture 
in this country, but other work has so seriously interfered with this 
investigation that the results hitherto obtained are merJly fragmentary, 
and as there is no probability of my being able to continue the 
examination of this subject, I have thought it better to publish such 
analyses as have already been made, in the hope that they may be 
found of some use to those who have time and opportunity to continue 
the investigation. Most of the analyses were made by my assistants* 
and by the students of the third and fourth years, in the laboratory 
of the University # of Tokiyd. Some were made by myself, and I have 
also, in other cases, confirmed the results obtained by others. 

A year or two ago Professor H. Wurtz published a report upon the* 
composition of the porcelain clays from Arita, which were exhibited in 
the Japanese section of the Philadelphia Exhibition, and as this report 
is not very accessible, I have thought it of sufficient interest to add the 
analyses obtained by him, especially as they supplement those obtained 

It is a matter of some doubt whether there is a body of one definite 
chemical composition existing in all porcelain clays. Messrs. Johnson 
and Blake (Am. J. Sc.-Art. s. 2, xliii. 351) have established the 
composition of a mineral which they found in many kinds of porcelain 
clay, and have represented it by the formula 

Al a 3 .2SiO a + 2H 2 0? 
which would correspond to 46.88 per cent of silica, 89.77 per cent of 

Digitized by 



alumina, and 18.9 per cent of water. To the presence of this mineral 
in a state of minute subdivision they attribute the plasticity of clays. 
Dr. Percy, in the last edition of his work on " Metallurgy," Vol. I., 
p. 94, gives a similar composition to a white, soapy substance obtained 
from Anglesea, and regards the following conclusions as established : — 
I-. — Crystallized kaolinite is a definite compound. 
11.— Many kaolins and other clays are identical with crystallized kaolinite 

in composition. 
III. — Crystallized kaolinite exists in clays which vary considerably in 

external characters, and occur under different geological conditions, 

as well as in localities remote from one another, e.g., Europe and 

America. * 

IV. — It is demonstrable that many clays consist of kaolinite intermixed 

with free silica and other matter. 

The result of Prof. Wurtz's analyses was to show that out of 8 
specimens .of the material used at Arita, one only, that from Kudaru- 
yama, contained less than* 74. 5 per cent of silica, and he therefore drew 
the startling conclusion that the porcelain of Japan was not prepared 
from porcelain clay at all. His words are : — 

" From these analyses it will be seen that the egg-shell porcelain 
ware is made without kaolin, being compounded, as to its body, solely 
of petuntze-like, or petro-Biliceous minerals. The Chinese proverb that 
* while the petuntze constitutes the flesh of porcelain, kaolin must form 
its bones/ is, therefore, altogether inapplicable." 

■ Petuntze is usually regarded as a felspathic rock, but what the* 
Chinese mean by the term is said by Sir Henry de la JBeche (Catalogue 
of Specimens of British Pottery and Porcelain in the Museum of the 
Royal School of Mines, p. 9) to be involved in some difficulty. He says: 
" Petun signifies a white paste, and the suffix tse is merely a diminutive 
applied to the material when made into the usual form of small cakes or ' 
bricks. It appears, indeed, that several substances used in the 
manufacture of porcelain, prepared in the form of white tablets, pass 
under the , common name of petuntze ; but by D'Entrecolles the name 
was restricted to the fusible ingredient of the paste, and, therefore, has 
generally been considered to denote a substance resembling our Cornish 
China stone, which is an aggregate of felspar, usually more or less 

Digitized by 



decomposed, and quartz, commonly associated with a talcose mineral ; 
in fact a disintegrated granitic rock resembling the pegmatite of certain 

According to Wurtz, then, the "egg-shell porcelain is formed from 
this decomposed felspathic rock alone, without admixture, as is usual in 
other places, with any kaolin. Results agreeing generally with these 
are given by Giimbel (Dingl. Polyt. J. ccxxvii. 500-502), who examined 
specimens of clay from Arita, and compared the results with the 
analysis of egg-shell porcelain made by Malaguti at S&vrGs. He 
examined 6 specimens, only one of which was earthy, and agreed almost 
exactly with the analysis given by Wurtz of the Kudaru-yama clay. 
His conclusion is, however, that the egg-Bhell porcelain could be 
produced by mixing 2 parts of the stone with 1 part of the earth. 

These results are of some importance, but it remains to be seen 
whether the conclusions are borne out by the examintftion of a large 
number of specimens from other districts. In the analyses' given in this 
note of clays from various porcelain- districts, several will be found 
having a low percentage of silica and a correspondingly high one of 
alumina. The specimen used for the body of the ware from Mino is as 
high as any of the Arita clays, whilst the Banko clays occupy an 
intermediate position between the petro- siliceous minerals and kaolin. 
The clays obtained from Owari, Kdfu and Shigaraki contain from 54 to 
59 per cent of silica, and 26 to 82 per cent of alumina, proportions which 
bring them nearer to the true clays. Unfortunately, only one of the 
kinds of clay used in the manufacture of the Eiyomidzu ware was 
analyzed, although 5 kinds are there used. *For the body of the ware, 
two kinds obtained near Kiyoto are mixed with one from Shigaraki, in 
Omi, the composition of which is given. 

In the preparation of the Awata ware three kinds of clay are 
mixed in equal proportions tcf form the body of the ware, one from Eiy6to 
and two from Omi. The two latter approach kaolin in composition, 
whilst the former is a peturitze-like mineral. The Satsuma clays were 
given to me by Mr. Satow, and were obtained by him at the time of his 
visit described in his paper on " The Korean Potters of Satsuma."* The 
first one, marked "Nara ash," is evidently only carbonate of lime, 
although from the name one might expect a different composition. Two 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


of the remaining clays have a high percentage of silica, amounting to 
78 and 77 per cent ; the others vary from 51.79 to 60.72 per cent. No. 
6 is frequently described as "Kaseda sand," but'from the amount of 
alumina, and from the large amount of alkalies it contains, it seems to 
be mixed with a good deal of undecomposed felspar. 

From the above analyses, fragmentary as they are, I think it will 
be seen that the conclusions of Prof. Wurtz cannot be extended to all 
Japanese porcelain. Further information, however, is much needed, and 
I trust that the labours of the members of the recently established 
geological survey of Japan may lead to results of great importance. 

. I have thought it useful to append a table giving the composition of 
the various ingredients used in the preparation of the colour employed 
to decorated the porcelain, which are also the same as are used for the 
production of cloisonne enamel (shippo yaki). 

As a contribution to the history of pottery in this country, I venture 
to add a translation of an inscription which appears on. a porcelain 
memorial stone erected at Seto to Shunkei, the Father of Pottery, which 
was given to me when on a visit, 


The "Father of Pottery" belonged to the Fujiwara family, and was 
named Kagemasa, though usually known as Katd'Shirozayemon. His 
artist-name was Shunkei, written in two different manners, and the 
epithet of " Father of Pottery " was given to him after his death. He 
was descended from Tachibana Tomosada, an inhabitant of Michikage 
village in the township of Morowa, province of Yamato. Tomosada 
begot Motoyasu, and Motoyasu begot the "Father of Pottery." 
Motoyasu, for some offence or other, was banished to Matsut6 in Bizen. 
His mother was the daughter of Michikage, an inhabitant of Fukakusa 
in Yamashiro, who belonged to the Taira family. The "Father of 
Pottery," while still a child, was fond of kneading clay and making 
earthenware vessels, but always regretted that his skill was inferior to 
that* of foreign countries (i.e., China), and he formed the intention of 
going abroad to study. When her grew up he entered the service of the 
Dainagon (councillor) Koga Michichika, and was created Shodaibu with 

Digitized by 



the 5th rank. He eventually accompanied Michichika's second son, the 
priest Ddgen, to China, in the 16th year of the period Eatei (1228). 
He remained there studying during six years, and on his return landed 
(lit* furled sails) at Kawajiri in Higo. Whilst on board he made three 
small pots with earth which he had brought with him, which he presented 
to Hdjd Tokiyori, the Shdgun's lieutenant, and. to Dogen. These were 
afterward handed down in Japan as curious treasures. The " Father of 
Pottery " was twenty-six years old when he returned, and at once paid 
a visit to his father in his place of exile, where he stopped awhile and 
made pots. He next visited his mother at Fukakusa, but after her 
death, which took place shortly afterwards, he made experiments in 
potting at Kiyoto and in the neighbouring provinces. He also made 
experiments in the two departments of Chita and Aichi in this province 
(i.e. Owari), but without success. At last he came to the village of 
Seto, in Yamada department in this province. Here he saw to his 
astonishment the earth called Sobokai. He said: "The situation 
faees the south, while the hills are high, the water clear, and 
the quality of the earth similar to what I brought back with 
me" (from China). So he commenced to work in this place, and 
during the rest of his life never moved elsewhere. Some say that the 
grandmother of the " Father of Pottery " found this good earth in the 
Amaike Cave (?) at Seto, and brought some of it home in the bosom of 
her dress, whence it was called Sobokai (grandmother's bosom). Accord* 
ing to another account the Sobokai was discovered by the " Father of 
Pottery " in a dream, after he had prayed to the god Fukagawa of the 
temple in Seto village. Seto village formerly belonged to Yamada 
department, but now forms part of Kasugai department, and was 
probably in ancient times a good place for potting. We learn from the 
Ni-hon-ko-ki, Yen-gi-shiki, Wa-miyd-shd, Ch6-ya Gun-sai and other books 
that in those periods the Court ordered pottery from this province, and 
always from that department. The subsequent success of the " Father 
of Pottery " was facilitated by the knowledge he possessed of what had 
been done before his time. The site where the house of the '•' Father of 
Pottery " stood is called Nakajima, and lies among the rice fields on the 
eastern side of the Fukagawa temple- in the village of Seto. A single 
eryptomeria planted there marks the spot. North of this again is a pltfce 

Digitized by 



called Yen-cho-An. It is said that the " Father of Pottery " in his later 
years entrusted the family affairs to his son* The " Father of Pottery ' ' 
fixed upon this place, and his wife upon the family plot of land, to build 
houses to end their days in. The books afford no information as to the date 
of the death of the " Father of Pottery." His tomb is called the " Mound 
of the Fifth Eank." On the left of the village there is an old kiln of his . 
called Mashiro. Nothing actually made or handled by him remains 
there ; but it is said that a pair of lions used as weights for the blind at 
the village temple were made by his hand, and one of those is lost. 
Those inhabitants of the village who have to in their surnames are his 
descendants. They have built a temple to his memory called Buyehiko 
no yashiro (temple of the potter-hero), and also Kama no Kami (the kiln 
god). There are two regular festivals on the 19th days of the 3rd and 
8th months. In the 3rd month the dance of the wooden lion's mask is 
exhibited, in the 8th there are horse-races. His son Td-go-rd, his 
grandson U-shi-r6 and their descendants continued to exercise his 
profession. It was said of old "the merits-of the nine services should 
all be sung," and were spbken of as " the nine songs". The "Father of 
Pottery " had one of those merits, and there is no reason why we should 
not celebrate his merits in song, in order to encourage others and preserve 
the art from decay. I therefore sing as follows. 1 

Then follows a copy of verses, the translation of which has not 
been attempted, as it would, require an excessive amount of notes by 
way of elucidation. 

1 Thifl is a reference to the following passage from the Shoo King (Legge's 
Edition, vol. i., page 55). " Virtue is seen in the goodness of the government, 
and the government is tested by its nourishing of the people. There are water, 
fire, metal, wood, earth and grain — these must be duly regulated : there are the 
rectification of the people's virtue, the conveniences of life, and the securing 
abundant means of qustentation : these must be harmoniously attended to. When 
the nine services thus indicated Have been orderly accomplished, let that 
accomplishment be celebrated by songs. Caution the people with gentle words, 
correct them with the majesty of law ; stimulate them with the songs on those 
nine subjects." The application of earth to the use of man' by means of the 
potter's art is one of the " nine services " which were to be celebrated with songs, 
and the author of the inscription, proceeds to do this in the Chinese poem which 

Digitized by 




Thick body. 

Egg-shell porcelain 



• • 


CO t*» GO CO Oi U3 00 

• co 3*»*co i- 53 t* o 

• t- OD CO CN © OS « 

loo t^ * * *i-i 

r • 


•hco^od -* a» »o 











Indo tsuohi (hard grains) . 


Sakaime-tsuchi . 



09 00*0*0 ^CO G> 

HN(OH eo 

t*»H 00 C* 

SCO CO 00 

i> oi od r4 .• f-i 

t*3 - » 


£SS8g 83 . . . 

|> oj ^ ^ © rt CO »H • • ji 

CO 00^ »H H ' ! I 4 * 



5 o> *o co co a* op co 

)G0O>^AtOOH • 
> rH OOrHp^JlOO • |J 

oo«4o»co o>**i-i 

iH 00OSCO 0>^Ud . 
kOiHCOCO jjOt^W h 
CNOOtO *iH ""** 




o g 




vol. nn. 


Digitized by 























Water •. 












Carbonic acid 



Oxide of lead 

Oxide of copper 

Oxide of iron 

Oxide, of aluminium .... 

Oxide of cobalt 

Oxide of manganese .... 

Lime • 




t .50 















% . . . 
























Combined water 



Ferric oxide .. 





Carbonic acid.. 







' .26 







































.53 # 













Digitized by 







Combined water. 



Ferric oxide...... 





Carbonic acid . . . 




. 4.785 








" .48 





































• • * • 








100.88 99.84 







Shira tama 


Hino-woka Seki 

Tdgnnjd (ultramarine) < 
Bengara .... 



Tdshirome a 


Murasaki . . 




4 or 5 


8 Toshirome is metallic antimony 

Digitized by 
















. w 

: ? 


• • 


: B 




J 9.18 







Combined water 













Silica .,...' 


Alumina • 


Ferric oxide 




Magnesia \ 






Soda * 

Carbonic acid ........ s 


Digitized by 


( 277 ) 



By Basil Hall Chamberlain. 

[Read March 9th, 1880.] 

[The following is a translation from a small volume containing the 
memoirs of two women named respectively An and Kiku, which came 
into the present writer's hands at a time when he was preparing a paper 
for this Society on the Mediaeval Colloquial Dialect of the Comedies. 1 
Dating, as the document does, but a couple of centuries, back, it was too 
recent to be made use of for the above-mentioned philological purpose; 
but one of the stories, at least, seems worthy of perusal for its own sake, 
notwithstanding its sketchiness and absence of all pretensions to literary, 
skill. For the student of Japanese, who has flung down in disgust the 
dry, colourless, and withal stilted productions which in this* country 
are dignified with the name of history, seems to see light again when the 
gossipping pen of some ol<jl beldame like Mistress An .brings before his 
eyes the actualities of the life of those old and by no means pleasant days, 
and shows him that the people, who in the pages of the " Guwai-shi " 
or the " Mikaha Fuu-do-ki " would be made to mouth fine sentiments 
in antithetical Chinese phrases, were* really live men and women like 
those we now meet and speak to in the Yedo streets. Care has been 
taken to reproduce the original with as strict fidelity as the divergence 
between the English and Japanese idioms will allow, and, at the close, 
a page of the Japanese text has been printed for the benefit of those 

^See " Transactions ol the Asiatic Society of Japan," vol. vi.', pt. 8. 


who may be interested in Japanese dialects. Truly, in speech as in other 
matters, the improvement daring the last two and a half centuries of 
peace has been wonderful.] 

The children having {gathered round Mistress Aii with cries of 
" Oh ! do tell us about the olden times, " she commenced as follows : — 

"My father, Yamada Kiyoreki, was a retainer of my %r& Ishida, 
Assistant Vice-President of the Board of Rites, and lived at Hikone in 
the province of Afumi ; and afterwards, when my l<?rd had raised the 
standard of revolt, was shut up in the castle of Ohogaki in the province 
of Mino.* He and all the rest <jf us, — there we were shut up'together ; 
and a very curious circumstance I remember in connection with it. 
Every night just about twelve o'clock there came the voices of, I should 
say, some thirty people, men and women. Who they were, wo knew 
not ; but we could hear them shouting out, * General Tanaka ! hoy ! 
General Tanaka ! ugh ! ugh 1 '—the same, night after night. Gracious 
me ! how it made you shudder ! After that, His HigHhess Iheyasu sent a 
large force to lay siege to the castle, and we had fighting day and night, 
and Tanaka was the name of the besieging general. 

" When our cannon 8 were to be fired, notice was sent round to all 
within the precincts of the castle, the reason being that the report of the 
cannon terrified every one by shaking the turrets, and seeming almost to 
make. the ground split in two, so that the less courageous, — such as the 
women, — would faint right off; and for that reason notice was given 

8 The*" revolt " here alluded to is the war which ensued on the death of Hide- 
yoshi in A. d. 1598. ' Practically master of Japan, Hideyoshi left behind him but 
a son six years old to take his place, — a place coveted by the most ambitious of 
his generals, Iheyasu. The consequende was a war between the latter and the 
partisans of the Hideyoshi succession, in which these were defeated and destroyed. 
After the battle of Seki-ga-hara, in the autumn of 1600, which decided the fate of 
Japan for 258 years by • giving it over for that period to the sway of Iheyasu and 
his successors the Tokugaha Shiyauguils, the castle of Ohogaki was taken, my lord 
Ishida captured by Tanaka Toshimasa, the enemy's general mentioned in. the text, 
and decapitated by order of the victor. Writing under the administration of the 
latter'6 descendants, all wars waged against him were of course styled ".rebellions," 
even by those whose friends had been engaged on the losing side. 

8 Fire-arms had been introduced into the country in the middle of the sixteenth 

Digitized by 


chambeblain: a shobt memoib fbom THE XVHTH CENTUBY. 279 

beforehand. So when notice htid been given and 'the flash had come, 
jou felt as if waiting for a clap of thunder to follow ; and in the early 
times we all felt as if we should die, and as if there were nothing but fear 
and horror left. But by and by we saw it yaA all nothing, and we and 
mother and the other women and girls took to busying ourselves casting 
ballets in Jhe look-out turret. And then, too, our soldiers would bring 
to us in the turret the heads* they had taken, and make us label them 
for reference. They would also often ask us to blacken the teeth with 
powder, the reason being, you see, that in old days ( tooth-powder heads ' 
were those of meji of rank, and therefore more prized, so that a soldier 
would bring yoii a plain head and ask you to do him the good -turn of 
giving the teeth a rub of powder. We weren't a bit afraid of the heads, 
and used to sleep in the midst of the nasty smell of blood that came 
from them. 4 

" One day, after a cannonade from the besiegers which threatened 
I speedy end to the castle's existence and threw all the people* within 
the castle gates into confusion, one of our attendants came with the 
news that the enemy had disappeared without leaving a trace behind 
them : ' No need for alarm,' said he ; ' quiet yourselves, quiet yourselves P 
But the words were scarcely out of his mouth when a cannon-ball came 
and struck my younger brother, a boy of fourteen, knocking him 
down and killing him on the spot. Oh ! it was a cruel sight. Indeed 
it was ! 


4 The tooth-powder here referred to is the o-haguro still # used by married 
women for the purpose of blacking their teeth. In the Middle Ages and down to 
the time of the revolution, the only persons of the male sex who were permitted 
by custom to follow the practice were the members of the Imperial family and the 
court nobles, and it is therefore curious to find this reference to it. At the same 
time, the ignorance of the soldiery, mixed with a vague prejudice in favour of 
blackened teeth as significative of high birth, must be borne in mind ; and at least 
one mediaeval instance of a warrior blacking his teeth may be quoted from the 
■* Sei-suwi-ki," where we read that the youthful Atsumori was found by his slayer, 
Eumagaya Nawozarie, to have his face powdered and his teeth blackened. After a 
battle^ all the heads that had been won were taken to the commanding general for 
inspection, and rewards were distributed according to the rank of the persons to 
whom they had belonged. t Afterwards the heads of the rank and file were interred, 
while those of men of higher birth were returned to their families. 

Digitized by 


280 chamberlain: a bhobt memoib from the xviith centubt. % 

" That same day there came fou father to the gate under hii 
charge a letter tied to an arrow, which said : ( As you once had the 
.honour to be my lord Iheyasu's writing-master, you shall be sparel 
if desirous of making your escape * from the castle. Fly in what- 
ever direction you please. You shall not be molested by the way. 
The troops have orders to that effect.' Well, 6 the assault being 
expected* in the middle of the following day, everybody's spirits hal ' 
forsaken them, and we, too, were looking forward with trembling to the 
next day as to that of our final end, 6 when father stole up into the 
look-out turret, and whispered to us to come this way. So he led out 
mother and us, and, making us climb a ladder placed against the wall 
on the northern .rampart, let us down on the other side by means' of a 
rope, after which we crossed the moat in a tub. Our party consisted of 
my two parents, myself and four attendants, our other retainers having 
been left behind. We were about half a mile from the castle, making in 
a northerly direction, when mother was suddenly seized with the paine 
of childbirth, and was delivered of a little girl. One of the retainers 
took and washed it in water from a rice-field, and then picked it up and 
wrapped it in his skirt, while mother was taken by father bn his back, 
and we fled in the direction of the moor of Awono. Oh ! what a 
•frightful time' it was I Yes, this was what the olden times were like. 
Mercy on us ! mercy on us." 

Then the children asked her again to tell them about Hikone, 
and she said: 7 

"My fathef had an estate worth three hundred koku B of rice per 
annum ; but at that time there was so much fighting that everything 
was difficult to get. . Of course each person had something laid by in 
case of necessity, but water broth 9 was our usual food morning and 

6 From here to the end of the paragraph is the passage of which the original 
text is given at the end of this paper. 

• On such occasions, many even of the women preferred death at their own 
hands to capture by the enemy. 

7 The order of time is here reversed, and the old lady is referring to a period 
previous to the disastrous war of a. p. 1600. 

8 One koku=5.1S bushels. 

9 Zau-auwi j&yfcy lit. "mixed water," a thin infusion of such greens, etc., 
as might' have remained over from a previous meal. 

Digitized by 


chamberlain: A SHORT memoir from the xvhth century. 281 

evening. Sometimes my older brother would go out on the mountains 
with his gun. On those mornings rice and greens would be cooke£, 
for him to take the remains with him to eat in the middle of the day. 
On those days rice and greens would be given to us, too, and we used 
to eat them. So we were always trying to persuade my brother ; and if 
he did promise to go out shooting, we were quite beside ourselves with 
joy. Clothes, too, we were so destitute of that when I was thirteen 
years old, I had nothing but one thin blue 10 hand-made frock 11 -and, as 
I wore that one frock till I was seventeen, my shins showed out below 
in the most horrible manner. Oh ! how I used to wish for a frock that 
would at least hide my shins ! Such were the inconveniences of every 
kind to which one was put in the olden times. . No one over dreamt, 
either, of such a thing as eating rice in the middle of the day, neither did 
night time bring its supper with it. So what shall I say of the young 
folks nowadays, and the fancies they take and the money they spend on 
dress,- and their whims about all sorts of delicacies in the matter of 
food r 

Thus . would she reprove them by reference to the Hikone days, 
so that they ended by nicknaming her " Granny Hikone." This is the 
origin of the slang expression " Hikone," used to designate the lessons 
for the present day drawn by aged people from the doings of former 
times, — an expression 'which is, therefore, not understood by the # natives 
of other provinces, -as it is only a local phrase of ours. 

[A colophon, which we may follow a second colophon dated 1780 M 
in ascribing to a nephew of Mistress Ail, who is mentioned therein under 
the name of Yamada Eisuke, tells us how the little memoir which here 
ends came to be written down. After mentioning that the family retired 
to the province of Tosa, and that Mistress An died during the period 
styled Kuwan-buii (A. D. 1661-1678) at over eighty years of age, the 
writer goes on to say : 

" At that time I, who was then eight or nine years old, had often 

w This seems, by reference to a work on dress entitled " Soku-tai Shiyau-zoku 
^ " (JllSffeJllH*)' to be tlie meanm 8 intended to be conveyed by the original 
word hana-zome. ♦ . • 

u Kata-bira. 

u The printed edition only appeared in 1837. 

vol. vra. 36 

Digitized by 



heard her relate the foregoing narrative. Ah I how. truly has it been 
said that . ' time flies like an arrow.' In the period styled Shiyau-toku 
(A. D. 1711-1716), when I gathered my own grandchildren round me, 
and told them the story, and drew from the example of bygone days 
lessons against our modern extravagance, the sly rogues turned up their 
noses, saying : ' Well, grandpapa, if Mistress An was Granny Hikone, 
you are old Daddy Hikone ! What are you preaching about ? Eacn 
time must have its own customs.' At which- observations I of course 
felt hurt, but then remembered the text : ' Respect your juniors.' u 
Yes, our juniors. What will they be like, I wonder ?' My grandchildren, 
I suppose, will have grandchildren to find fault with them. So I have 
just put this down as best I could, and, for the rest, I have nothing 
more to say than — my prayers."] 


• The President, in thanking Mr. Chamberlain for his interesting communica- 
tion, said that it was evident that no small part of the charm of the paper was due 
to the felicity of Mr. Chamberlain's translation. 

Mr. Blanchet asked how the practice of blacking the teeth (referred to in the 
paper) originated. 

Mr. Chamberlain said he did not remember with precision the reasons given 
for the practice, bat that details were to be found in Mitford's " Tales of old Japan.". 

Dr. Faulds observed :— The fact brought out by Mr. •Chamberlain that the 
custom of blacking teeth, now apparently confined to married women in Japan, 
was once common to men of the higher ranks also, is quite interesting. There 
seems to be an exceedingly common tendency, not yet specially studied, in 
women to manifest such "survivals" of vanishing oustoms. Many familiar 
examples readily occur to one, such as the custom of wearing ear-rings, necklaces, 
bracelets, flowing robes,* etc., of western ladies. A more striking example is the 
long hair parted in the middle which is still found amongst the males of many 
primitive peoples, such as some of the races of North America, the Lepchas in 
Asia, etc., but which exists only amongst women in more advanced races. That 
the blacking of teeth in Japan was as purely ornamental in its purport as the 
blackening of our own boots is rendered somewhat probable, I think, by the wide 
prevalence of the custom of teeth-ornamenting in other lands. The people 
of Borneo bore their teeth, and insert brass pins into them. Various tribeB 

u " Confucian Analects," bk. ix., chap. 22. 

Digitized by 















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Digitized by 


( 288 ) 

chip, grind, or file them down, however perfect or regular they may be, into 
shapes differing according to the customs of each tribe. It is often said in 
Japan that married women now blacken their teeth to preserve them, but in 
Sumatra the hard protecting enamel is first removed, simply that the rou^h 
surface may better absorb the black colouring matter. In such a case the 
process can only be injurious to the teeth, and the custom can only be explained as 
one of ornamentation. • 

The President said he had always been under the impression that, the 
Japanese women blacked their teeth and shaved their .eyebrows after marriage, as 
a sign that they no longer wished to make themselves attractive to the other sex. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by LiOOQ IC 

f\rn &/ iooi 

( 285 ) 


By Basil Hall Chamberlain. 

[Bead April 13, 1880.] 

As the usage, if not the positive rules, of the Asiatic Society 
exclude all proselytizing efforts from the scope of its labours, it may be 
well, in explanation of the title of this paper, to state the object with 
which it has been written, in order that neither to the Society nor to the 
author need be attributed the design of encroaching on a field which the 
various missionary societies rightfully hold as their own. It is, of 
course, mainly to the missionaries that we look for translations of the 
Bible into foreign tongues ; and by them a portion of the peculiarly 
arduous task of making such translations into the language of Japan has 
already been accomplished. But the Bible may be considered from 
many points of view apart from the strictly religious ; and most foreigners 
and many educated Japanese will be ready to admit that, as the 
European student of Chinese or Japanese should first betake himself to 
the Confucian and Mencian books if he does not wish to be stopped at 
every stage of his later enquiries, so must every Japanese desirous of 
obtaining any adequate notion of the intellectual soil of Europe, and 
more especially of England and the other English-speaking countries, 
begin by finding out what has been written in the Hebrew Scriptures. 
Bo great has been their influence that, to say nothing of thoughts 
and feelings, they have moulded the very language, — the familiarity of 
all classes with them having introduced the use of innumerable phrases, 
similes and allusions, whose recurrence will render almost every book 
and conversation more or less a mystery to him who is a stranger to the 
Old and New Testaments. It must, therefore, apart from all prosely- 
voi*. ?in. 87 

Digitized by 



tism, be the earnest desire of every one who interests himself in the 
progress, and, so to speak, the Europeanization of this country, that its 
inhabitants should possess adequate translations of those books, and no 
place should be better fitted than the Hall of the Asiatic Society for a 
calm discussion of the aptest method to be pursued in the making of 
such translations. 

I say discussion ; for discussion, unfortunately, is forced upon us 
here, where we have to deal with a language which has neither from its 
origin been cast in a Bible form like the tongues of Modern Europe, nor 
is yet a sheet of blank paper like the dialects of barbarous tribes. There 
are difficulties, — almost impossibilities, — on every side, and our choice lies 
between evils. I must, therefore, be excused if, instead of going straight 
to the point and simply laying before the Society the versions which I 
have attempted of a few of the Psalms (one of the books of the Bible of 
which no Japanese rendering has as yet been published), I enter into a 
somewhat lengthy consideration of the conditions which must determine 
the translator's work. It is only by fully appreciating these conditions 
that persons can be qualified to pronounce on the merits of any par- 
ticular system. 

It should, then, be kept in mind that the single word " Japanese " 
serves to designate three different languages having, indeed, a common 
groundwork and historical connection, but nevertheless far more distinct 
from each other in grammar and especially in vocabulary than many 
dialects which in Europe are classed as separate tongues. These are 
Classical Japanese, Sinico- Japanese and Colloquial Japanese. Of these, 
again, each has its minor subdivisions, as is but natural in the case of 
languages spoken or written over large tracts of space and time. In 
particular, it is necessary to distinguish in Classical Japanese between the 
Archaic Dialect and the Classical Dialect Proper. The Archaic Dialect 
is that in which are preserved to us the legends of the Ko-zhi-ki, the 
litanies of the Norito and the poems of the Man-yefushifu, all dating 
from or before the eighth century of our era. Its place might be 
compared to that of Homeric Greek. 

In the Classical Dialect Proper was written during the tenth, 
eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries the great mass of the 
standard literature of the country. It differs from the Archaic Dialect 

Digitized by ' 


chambeblain: a Japanese bendebing of some psalms. 287 

chiefly in the dropping of old words and forms, in the systematizing of 
the grammar under certain inflexible rules, in its polish and its loss of 
strength. It is, as it were, the Attic speech of Japan. 

For the next language in the enumeration, — Sinico-Japanese, — we 
have no parallel in Greece nor, indeed, in Europe ; — not even in our 
English speech, modified though it be by the introduction of the French 
element. The Chinese words here drive the native vocabulary fairly out 
of the field, and, in so doing, cause profound changes in the grammar, 
destroying almost every vestige of the ancient forms. Most modern 
documents, newspaper articles, letters, etc., are composed in this style, 
which to a person conversant only with the other two would be com- 
pletely unintelligible. 

Lastly, Colloquial Japanese, which, to continue the comparison 
with Greek, might be called the Romaic of this country, is a hybrid 
dialect, the residue of what has gone before it. It has never been fixed, 
and is in the present day changing more and more under the influence 
of English and of new ideas. . 

The question now is : Which of these divergent kinds of Japanese 
is to be chosen as the medium for Biblical translations ? The Colloquial 
Dialect is at once excluded by its vulgarity and its wants of any stand- 
ard ; and that this is not a personal prejudice, but a recognized truth, 
is shown by the fact that no writer, whether native layman or foreign 
missionary, has ever attempted to use it in any serious composition. 
Sinico-Japanese must be excluded for another reason, — that of useless 
difficulty unaccompanied by any counterbalancing advantage. Remains 
the Classical Language in its two branches. The aim of the translations 
hitherto made from Genesis and from the New Testament has been to 
adopt the Classical Dialect Proper ; and its claims, as the medium generally 
accepted by the Japanese reading public, are undoubtedly superior to 
those of the two dialects previously mentioned. At the same time, we 
must not disguise to ourselves two facts : one, that it is impossible 
to make even an approximation to literalness without perpetually 
violating every rule of grammar and of style; and the other, that 
this dialect, always difficult of comprehension to the less educated 
classes, becomes well-nigh unintelligible to them when these rules are 
thus violated ; that is to say, when exactitude is approached. To be 

Digitized by 


chamberlain: a Japanese rendering of some psalms. 

at once elegant, intelligible and -exact is, therefore, out of the question. 
It is even out of the question to be at once exact and intelligible ; and, 
for the present at least, the most practical plan would seem to be to 
print two renderings, — one a Classical paraphrase, which in the case 
of the poetical books should, if possible, be in a versified form in 
order the better to suit the native taste, the other a strictly literal 
version, which would receive its explanation from the paraphrase and, 
conversely, determine the precise sense of the latter. In the literal 
version, as need scarcely be stated, no attempt whatever should be 
made to conform to the usual rules of Japanese composition. 1 

With regard to the versified paraphrase here recommended for the 
poetical books, there unfortunately comes in a consideration drawn from 
the literary history of the country, — one which, though it might perhaps 
not prove insurmountable to a native of genius, seems to me to bar the 
way against all attempts by a foreigner at making his versions in the 
more generally comprehensible style of the Classical Dialect Proper, and 
to refer him to the Archaic Tongue as his vehicle of expression. This 
consideration is grounded on the style of poetry hitherto written in the 
Classical Dialect Proper. Consisting, as it does, almost entirely of what 
are termed mizhika-uta, i. e. " Short Stanzas " of but one- and -thirty 
syllables each, there is no such thing as an extended poetical phrase, — 
no breadth or sweep to be found in it, such as is indispensable to the 
rendering of any foreign poetry, even of the Psalms, although the 
sentences in the latter do not run to any great length. There is, there- 
fore, no standard to imitate ; and to write without a standard in a 
dead or conventional tongue is impossible, — in Japan more absolutely 
impossible than could be well imagined in the West, as the native taste 
requires of a modern writer that he shall be able to quote chapter and 
verse for every word, every phrase and every term that he may make use 
of. We are, therefore, driven back to the oldest form of the language, 

1 k considerable future in Japan would seem to be reserved for the so-called 
chiyoku-yaku or " literal translation " style, which is already in use in some of the 
schools, and is peculiarly adapted to the wants of the native mind. Its barbarism 
is amply compensated by its practical utility ; for, as in the recognized case of 
Chinese, so in the case of English, it is but labour lost to attempt to confine the 
freer movements of the foreign vehicle of expression within the stiff and, at the 
same time, complicated rules of Japanese construction. 

Digitized by 


chambeelain: a Japanese rendering of some psalms. 289 

and here at last we find all the necessary conditions fulfilled. In the 
Man-yefu~skifu are hundreds of compositions, and in the Ko-zhi-ki not a 
few, of lengths nearly averaging that of most of the Psalms, by various 
poets on the most various subjects, and giving us a complete vocabulary 
and poetical frame-work, — a frame-work and a vocabulary which, 
although undoubtedly antiquated, have yet been adopted as the only 
efficient instrument their language has to offer by all the modern 
Japanese poets whose works are worthy of perusal.' 

As already stated, there are grave objections to every possible 
method of translation. Difficulty of comprehension is the objection 
which, in conversation with private friends, has been made to the style 
of paraphrase here advocated. Difficulty and incomprehensibility are, 
however, two very different things. To an uneducated Japanese or to 
one who, although otherwise cultured, is a total stranger to all Jewish 
history and ideas, any version of the Psalms will probably be almost as 
mysterious as the original Hebrew text. Some previous knowledge and 
some viva voce explanations must always be taken for granted ; and 
with them, and with the mutual check of paraphrase and literal prose 
version, the Archaic poetical expressions, however perplexing to a 
foreigner, should offer no special difficulty to the native student. 

For the sake of facilitating the perusal of the accompanying ver- 
sified renderings by any member of this Society who may not have 
devoted special attention to the Archaic Dialect, I have explained the 
chief difficulties in English foot-notes, while' there have also been added 
in Japanese a very small number of notes and headings which seemed 
indispensable to an appreciation by a native reader of the general 
signification of each Psalm. The Psalms selected are the 1st, 19th, 
28rd, 100th, 118th, 114th, 115th, 128rd, 124th, 127th, 128th and 
188rd. No claim to merit can be made for the actual versions here 
given, whether versified or literal ; for, having been perforce moulded, not 
on the original, but on the English text, they are but the translations 
of translations. Such precautions as were feasible have been taken. 
The poetical renderings, most of which were originally made from the 
English Prayer- Book version, have all been revised by comparison with 

*e. g. Mabuchi, Motowori, Chikage, Tachibana no Moribe, Takabatake Shikibu, 
Taohibana no Toseko. 

Digitized by 


chambeblain: a Japanese rendering of some psalms. 

de Wette's " Commentar ueber die Psalmen " and an English edition of 
Delitzsch's " Biblical Commentary on the Psalms," while the literal 
renderings scrupulously follow those given in the latter work. Still the 
dangers of double-filtered translation are too obvious to need insisting 
on ; and when it is the case of a Semitic composition which is rendered 
first into an Aryan and thence into a Turanian tongue, we have the 
danger in its extremest form. A good knowledge of Hebrew, besides 
other special studies, is the indispensable prerequisite of a translator. 
All, therefore, that is here intended is, to indicate a method and illustrate 
it by a few examples. 


Yoshi-Ashi-Bito no Hate 

Arachi-wo ga 
Saga-mono ga 
Utsutahe ni 
5 Akarahiku 
Nuba-tama no 
Sachihahi ya 
Tsuga no ki no 
Ha ha shi mo 

10 Mi ha shi mo 
Yatsuko-ra ha 
Aki-kaze no 
Momiji-ba to 

^Kaku bakari 
Oho mi toga 
Uma-bito no 


no Tagafu wo Yomeru Uta : 
Sakashira tohazu 
Ihe ni i-tatade 
Ama tsu Sumera no 
Oho mi koto-nori 
Hiru shi mo manebi 
Yo-narabe omofu tatasu 
Iya tsugi-tsugi ni 
Toha ni kare sede 
Musubanu aki naku 
Nihohi-tsutsu aru ni 
Kaku narazu koso 
Use ni use-kere 
Ama tsu Sumera ga 
Tomo ni ye-irade 
Yoki hito koso ha 

Digitized by 



l * *Arathi-wo (ffc $|) and Saga-mono (j§ ^?)» "bad and violent men." 
Oa was originally used to denote the Genitive relation, while no constantly indicated 
what we should call the Nominative. In later times this usage was reversed, 
tea ga t " my," " our," alone retaining the ancient force of ga. I here and constantly 
Expletive. 3 Ama tsu Sumera (3^ ^ or Jt ^ ; according to the Simoo- Jap. pro- 
nunciation Ten-Tei or better Shiyau-Tei), lit. " Monarch of Heaven" or "Supreme 
Monarch," the nearest equivalent for the word " God." Kami (jj/f)> which some 
prefer, simply means " ancestral spirit," and has the additional disadvantage of 
being generally understood as a Plural. Alternating with Ama Uu Sumera for 
" God," Oho-Kimi, Ama tm Oho-Kimi, A ga Oho-Kimi, etc., have been employed 
for " the Lord," " our Lord " in the versified rendering. In the prose version, the 
Hebrew term «• Jehovah *' has been retained for the latter. iShiki-maseru oho mi 
koto-nori, " the decree which He has promulgated.* The Honorific masu, now 
used indiscriminately, was anciently applied only to Divine and Imperial person- 
ages. 5 Akarahiku, pillow- word for hiru. Manebi 1 *rch.loimanabi. *Nuba-tamano, 
p.-w. for i/o. Yo-narabe, " every night." 7 Sachihahi, arch, for saihahi. Pi, arch, 
for be, "side." Tatasu, the Causat. form of tatsu, used merely for ele- 
gance. 8 Tsuga no ki no, p.-w. for tmgi-t&ugi, but here to be taken in its proper sense 
of " like the Uuga tree," no standing for no gotoku. hja, arch, for iyo-iyo. 9 This 
line has but four syllables. Such irregularities as the use of lines of four, six and 
eight syllables are among the usual ornaments anciently employed to relieve the 
monotony of the five-seven metre. The second ha (wa) is the Separative Particle. 
Toha ni, " for ever." Kare sede y arch, for karede. UNihofu in the arch, sense of 
"bright-coloured," "flourishing." li Momiji-ba to, "like the autumn-leaves" 
(" autumn-leaves " substituted for " chaff "). 17 Uma-bito, " the righteous." l&Ken, 
here Conclusive, not Attributive. M Iyoyo, arch, for iyo-iyo. 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaxu. 
Fu-shin-zhiii (/£ ^ A) no kuwan-gen (£J *§*) in ayumazu, sau 
shite tsumiudo no michi ni tatazu, Ban shite giyakn-zhin no tan ($£) ni 
za sezu, kakerite kare no tanoshimi ha Yehoba no nori ni oite ari, san 
shite kare ga chin-ya Kare* no nori wo kaiigahern tokoro no hito ha 
saihahi nari. San shite kare ha ka-riu no katahara ni uwerare, sore no 
zhi-setsn ni oite sore no mi wo shiyanzhi (£{? & ), san shite sore no 
ha ha karezaru tokoro no zhiyu-moku (ffi /fc) no gotoku ari ; shikau shite 
kare ga nasn tokoro no ono-ono no mono woba kare ga shi-togu. 

•Shiyau-Tei wo sasu. 

Digitized by 


chamberlain: a Japanese rendering of some psalms. 

Fn-shin-zhin ha kaku narazu. Eaherite kare-ra ha kaze no fuki- 
harafu tokoro no mugi-gara no gotoku ari. Yuwe ni fu-shin-zhin ha 
sai-dan nioite tatsu atahazu, sau shite tsumiiido ha zen-nin no kuwai- 
shia (ff |J|) ni tatsu atahazu; ikan to nareba Yehoba ha zeii-niii 
no michi wo shiru b ; kaherite fu-shm-zhin no michi ha metsu-bau 


b Shiru ha sunahachi yomi shi-tamafu no i nari. 

DAI ZHIFU KU. *(Ps. 19.) 

Ama tsu Sumera no Hi wo Mote Tsuchi wo Terashi Mi Nori Mote 
Hito no Kokoro wo Terashi-Tamafu wo Mede-Tatahete Yomeru Uta • 

Koto-tohi ha sede 

Ame ni nori ari 

Sora ni kowe ari 

Hiru mo ahi-tsuge 

Yoru mo katar'ahi 

I-tsukusu kihami 

I-hatsuru made ni 
Ama tsu Eimi ga Mi idzu wo tatahe 
Mi te-buri wo Shimeshi-matsuru ha 

Hi wo yadosu beshi to 

Ama tsu Sumera no 

Futo mi araka yu 

Tsuma ni ahan to 

Eado idzuru goto 

Wa ha makeme ya to 

Kihohi-afu goto 


Nishi no umi made 

Terasu hi-kage no 

Hito no goto 
Hisa-kata no 
Wataru hi no 
5 Nuba-tama no 
Uma no tsume 
Funa no he no 

10 Kumo no'he ni 
Kake-maku mo 
Waka-kusa no 
Mukogane no 

15 Mokoro-wo ni 
Masura-wo no 
Toho-yama yo 
Kuma ochizu 
Ura-ura to 

•Both translations of this Psalm have been made, not from Delitzch, but from 
the English Prayer-Book. 

Digitized by 




^Kushi-kage wo 
Shika mi idzu 
Oho-Kimi ga 
Morn tami no 
A ga Kimi ga 

^Kiku tami no 
Ma-gokoro wo 
Omi ga me mo 
Kegare sezu 
Tokoshihe ni 

Natsu-mushi no 
Tsuyn yori mo 
Yo no hito no 
Ku-gane yu mo 

^Mube ehi koso 
Ono ga ozo 
Iha-buchi ni 
Oho-sora ni 

Kuchi wo mote 
Eokoro mote 
Ynrngi naki 
Tanomi aru 


Kiyoki mi nori wo 
Saga ba i-barabi 
Kataki mi koto wo 
Ozo ba ncbi toke 
Managari mo seznte 
Awo-hito-gusa wo 
Obo mi nori koso 
Susur'ara bana no 
Eagnhasbi kerashi 
Mi koto kasbikomi 
Sacbi to naru mono 
Shim bito nakedo 
Kakurnru saga mo 
Hibikern saga mo 
Wa ga noru koto 
Wa ga 'mofu koto mo 
Chi-biki no iba to 
Wa ga Oho-kimi ba 
tamahanan ! 

I Goto, arch, for gotoku. Koto-tohi, " speech." a, 3, 4, 5 The first half of each 
line is a p.-w. Nori, " telling." 6, 7 The arch. Jap. poet, equivalent for " into all 
lands," and " into the ends of the world." Funa no he is written jft ®. 9 Mi 
te~buri, " His handiwork." Ha here has almost the force of " the reason why." 
10'Heloiuhe (_t)* U-Kake-maku mo, a reverential phrase which is thus ex- 
plained: Iyaskiki kuchi ni kakete tonahe-taU-mateuran wo o*oremi*tsut$uma»hiki 
toifunari: makuha mu wo nobetaru nari. MTtmkurashishi, Causative used as 
an Honorific. Futo mi araka (>fc $P j!"E J3f)> "palace." Yu, arch, foryort*. 
13 Waka-kusa no, p.-w. for tsuma. It was necessary in this passage to diverge 
slightly from the original. To a Japanese poet the idea of a bridegroom being 

VOL. VIII. 38 

Digitized by 


chambeblain : a Japanese bendering of some psalms. 

joyfully radiant when leaving his chamber would be inconceivable.* UMukogane, 
"bridegroom." 15 Mokora-wo (jfl B 5f)t " well-matched antagonist." Waha, 
etc., " resolved not to be outstripped." Wa arch, (except in wa ga) for ware. 
17 Yo, arch, for yori. 18 .BTttwia ochizu, • * every part." 20 iftw/it ( S|) » in compounds, 
"marvellous," "sacred"; etc. 23Jlfon* for mamoru. &A, arch. Pronoun of the 
First Person. 25 Ozo, " folly." 26 I-yorohoboshi, arch, for yorokobasht 27 #rot ( |§) , 
"subjects," " servants." WManagari, the original form of magari. Sezute, arch, 
for sede. aOHiki-maseru, " leading," " swaying.'; 34 Ku-gane, "gold." SBSocAt, 
same as eachihaki, "happiness," "blessing." Wlha-buchi ni, " in private " (lit. 
"in a rocky gorge"). UKoto, f£. 42Koto, ^t. MChi-biki, "which it would 
need a thousand men to move." To, " like." 45 ... . nan, Optative. 

Onazhiku Chtyoktj-Yaktj. 

Ten ha Shiyau-Tei no yei-yo (£| §£) wo katari, sau shite sora ha 
Kare no te-waza wo ihi-arahasu. Ichi-zhitsu ha ta-zhitsu ni ihi, sau 
shite ichi-ya ha ta-ya ni shiiiyou (jjjj J$) sasu. Gen-giyo mo dafi-wa 
mo arazu : shikashi nagara kare-ra no kowe ga kare no ahida ni kikoyu. 

Kare-ra no oto ha shiyo-kokn ni ide, san shite kare-ra no gen-giyo 
ha se-kai no hate made idenu. Mnko ga kare no ne-ya wo idzuru 
gotoku ide, san shite wi-zhiyau-fu (f$ ^ ^c) S a kare no kiyan-sou 
($ He) suru koto wo yorokobu gotoku yorokobi, ten no motsutomo toho- 
ki tokoro yori ide-tachi, san shite mata sore no hate made hase-mahari, 
san shite sono dan-ki wo mote ban-butsu wo terasu tokoro no tai-yau no 
tame ni Rare ga b karera ni oite maku wo hariki. 

Yehoba no nori ha tamashihi wo kai-knwa sasnrn isagiyoki nori 
nari. Yehoba no chikahi ha kaku-tei (J$£ j£) nari, san shite gu-zhiii ni 
chi-shiki wo tamafu. Yehoba no okite ha tadashiku ari, sau shite 
kokoro wo shite yorqkobashimn. Yehoba no mei-rei ha kiyoku ari, 
san shite me ni hikari wo tamafu. Yehoba no osore ha ketsu-paku 
(3R 6) nar *» san shite yei-kiu ni soil su. Yehoba no sai-dan ha nawoku, 
san shite matsutaku tadashiku ari. 

Kare-ra d ha kin yori mo, ohoku no zhiyun-kin (f£ &) yori mo 

b Shiyau-Tei wo sasu. ' c Ten to sora to wo ifu. ' d Nori, chikahi, ton wo ifu. 

Digitized by 




hori ($f) seraru beshi ; naho-sara hachi-mitsu to hachi-bau yori amashi. 
Hata mata Nanji no boku e ha kare-ra ni yorite oshiherare, sau shite 
kare-ra wo mamoru koto ni oite dai naru hau-bi ari. Kare ga iku tabi 
han-pafu (|B ££) suru wo tare shiru atafu? Nanji* yo ! wa ga kakure- 
taru toga* yori ware wo kiyome-yo ! Mata ha kare-re g ga ware wo 
tsukasadoranu yan (1§fc) ni Nanji no boku wo ogorera akn yori sukuhe- 
yo : sareba ware ha isagiyoku, san shite tai-zai wo ukezarafi to su. Wa 
ga chikara to wa ga kiu-shiyuu (^fc ^) naru Yehoba yo ! wa ga kuchi 
no kotoba to wa ga kokoro no kangahe wo shite, tsune ni Nanji no me 
ni kanahaseshime-yo ! 

e Onore wo ifu. 
BTsxigi ni iheru aku wo ifu nari. 

f Shiyau-Tei wo sasu. 

DAI NI ZHIFU SAN. (Ps. 28.) 

Tatahe-Uta : 

A wo mora ha 
Kimi nareba 
Nade-masan to 

5 Ma-kusa kahi 
Ma-gokoro ni 
Shika bakari 
Hiki no mani 

10 Kashikoku mo 
Nuba-tama no 
I-yuku # to mo 

Ame shiroshi-mesu 
Nani ka kaku beki 
Kiyoki kaha-be ni 
Makoto no michi ni 
Nigoreru kokoro 
Urahashi Eimi no 
Mi nori wo tsuwe to 
Taganete yukeba 
Euraki mi kuni ni 
Ani ojime ya mo 

Digitized by 



Iya hi keni A wo seme-kitaru 

Ada-bito wo Nagome-masan to 

^Nube n'uchi ni Ama tsu mi te mote 

Mi ke tamahi Oho mi ki tamahi 

Minanowata Ka-gnroki kami ni 

Kushi-abura Sosogi-tamaheba 

Tamagiharu Inochi no kagiri 

90 Mi megumi shi Kaumuri-mateuri 

Tokoshihe ni Tsukahe-matsuran 

Kimi ga mi araka ni. 

5Ma-kusakahi," feeds with good grass." 6 Atomohite, " leading." BUruhcuhi, 
for uruhashiki : in the arch, language the Conclusive is often thus found where 
classical usage would require the Attributive form. QHikino mani, " following 
His lead.'* WKashikoku mo -(equivalent to kakemaku mo), prop, "though with 
fear and trembling," but almost an Honorific Expletive. Taganuru (^ W>)> " *° 
lean on." 13 Iya hi keni, "daily more and more." UNagomuru (ft), "to 
subdue," " to quell." l5Nu~be n'uchi ni, arch, for no-be no uchi ni, u on the moor." 
Ama Uu mi te, "God's hands." lQKe, "food." Ki, "drink." 17 Minanowata, 
p.-w. for ka-guroki, Ka, expletive. MTamagiftaru, p.-w. for inochi. 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Yehoba ha wa ga boku-shiya nari : ware ha fu-soku sezhi. Kare 
ga awo-kusa ni oite ware wo shite fusashime; Rare ga sei-riu (jjj& jjfe) 
no katahara ni ware wo hikiwi ; Kare no na no tame ni Kare ga wa ga 
tamashihi wo kai-fokn (jjjfc fa) shi ; kare ga ware wo nahoki michi ni 

Sareba, ware ha shi-in (Jfc f£) no tani ni ayumu to mo, ware ha 
idzure no gai nite mo qjifi to sezu ; ikan to nareba Nanji 1 ha ware to 
tomo ni ari : Nanji no shi-ki-dzuwe (^ H ft) to Nanji no tsnwe to 
ware wo nagusamn. Ware wo ka-koku (^f g§) suru hito n0 gan-zen 
ni Nanji ha ware ni mukahite shiyoku-dai wo mauke ; Nanji ha abnra 
wo mote wa ga kaube wo tiruhoshi ; sau shite wa ga hai (jjg) ha mitsu. 

i&hiyau-Tei wo aasu. 

Digitized by 



Wa ga itsu-shiyau-gai (— §£ jjf ) saihahi to megumi to nomi 
ware ni oyobaii to shi ; sau shite ware ha mata yei-kiu ni Yehoba no 
ihe ni soman to sn. 

DAI HIYAKU. (Ps. 100.) 

Ama tsu Sumeba wo Home-Tatahe-Mahoshiki wo Yobodzu no Tami- 


Ono dzu kara Ware ha ohi Bezu 

Mite moclrite Ama tsu Snmera no 

Uruhoshiku Tsukurashi-tamahi 

Mi tami zo to Mori-masu Eimi ga 

5 Oho mi idzu . Sane tana-shkite 

Ame ga shita Yorodzu no hito no 

Yorokobohi Utafd utahi ni 

Eowe tayezu Mede-hayasanan 

Mi megumi shi Toha ni karesezu 

10 Mi koto shi mo Yo-yo ni kuchi senu 

Umashi Eimi ga Ushi-haki-i-masu 

Mi araka ni Mure-wi-worogami 

Oho mi na wo Mochi-itsukanan 
Yo no naka no hito t 

lOhisezu, (/P 4). This line follows the English Prayer-Book rendering. 
5 Sane, " truly." Tana-shim, arch, for shim. 7 Yorokobohi ', prop. yorokob'ahi, " re- 
joicing together." 10 Kuchi senu, arch, for Kuchinu (7{% ^J). 11 Conclusive umashi 
for Attributive umaki . XJshi-haki- i-masu (i 5§ 3? ) > ' 'where He dwells and rules" 
(i for the more usual wi). MWorogwiii (from wori-kagami) arch, for wogami. 
W Mochi-itsukanail, (^jf Jjf), Optat. or Imperat., " take and worship." 

Onazhtku Chiyoku-Yaku. 
Shiyo-koku yo ! Yehoha ni mukahite kuwan-sei (gfc fj$) wo idase. 
Kin-ki (Sfc IF) wo mote Yehoba ni tsukahe-yo ; kau-kiyou (jg £$) wo 

Digitized by 



mote Kare no mahe ni kitare ! Yehoba ha Shiyau-Tei nari to shiyou-chi 
(^ to) se "y° 5 Kare ga ware-ra wo tsukuri, sau shite ware-ra wa Kare 
no mono ($j), Rare no tami, sau shite Kare no maki-ba no gnn-yau 
($ *£) nari. 

Shiya-rei (f|} f§[) wo mote Kare no mon-nai ni iri, san-bi wo mote 
Kare no tei-ri (Jg J[) ni ire-yo t Kare ni shiya se-yo ! Kare no na wo 
ai-shiyou (§| fjj) se-yo ! Ikan to nareba, Yehoba ha yososhiku, Kare 
no megumi ha tayezu, sau shite Kare no shin-zhitsn ha dai-dai ni ari. 


Ama tsu Sumera no Hi-Kage ni Moreshi Itashiei Hito wo Megumi- 
Tamafu wo Mede-Tatahete Yomeru Uta: 

Kakemakn mo 
Kashikokn mo 
Oho mi na wo 

6 Yufu-hi sasu 
Kefa yori ha 
Tokoshihe ni 
Kuni ha shi mo 

• Ame ha shi mo 

10 Taka shirann 
Komoriku no 
Ame tsnchi wo 
Chiri ni fusu 

w Umazu-me ni 
Sakaye aru 

Ama tsn Sumera ni 
Higashi no kata yu 
Nishi no sora made 
Yorodzn yo kakete 
Tayezu koso agame 
Saha ni aredomo 
Hiroshi to ihedo 
Kumo no anata ni 
Miya ni wi-mashito 
Madzushiki mono wo 
Yoki mi to mo nashi 
Ko-dakara sadzuke 
Tozhi to shi megumu 
A ga Oho-Kimi ni 

Tagufu beki are ya ? 

Digitized by 



tKakete has the force of " until." *Saha, " numerous ;" oonf. Colloquial taku- 
tan, written ^ llj. 10 •• Beyond the immeasurably high clouds." UKomorikuno, 
14 remote." M Mi here has the force of kurawi. 15 Takara adds little to the mean- 
ing. 16 Tozhi, " a housewife." 18" Is there any who is like ?" 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaku. 

HareruyaM Yehoba no boku yo! Yehoba no na wo Bau-bi se-yo, 
san-bi se-yo ! Ima yori nochi yei-kiu ni Yehoba no na ha ai-shiyou sera- 
refi wo wa ga negafu. Hi no idzuru yori sono iru made Yehoba no na 
ba san-bi su beshi. 

Yehoba ha ban-koku no uhe ni hiide ; Eare no yei-yo ha ten no uhe 
ni hiidzu. Giyoku-shiyau (3i Jft) oi za shite, ten-chi wo haruka ni mi- 
oroshi, kare b wo ki-zoku, sunahachi Eare no kuni c no ki-zoku ni narabeii 
ga tame ni jin-ai (J& J£) yori hi-zhin (% A) wo age, hai-tai ( JJ jg() 
yori hin-zhin (^ A) wo kakage, dou-zhi (^ *?g) no ureshiki haha 
tote umazu-me wo shite ihe wo tamotsu hito to naraehimuru wa ga Shiyau- 
Tei nam Yehoba ni tare ka niru ? — Hareruya ! 

•Isurayeru no go ni shite, Shiyau-Tei wo ai-shiyou se-yo to no i wo fukumeri. 
b Bhimo ni iheru hi-zhin hiii-zhin nari. c Tefi-koku wo ifu. 


Isurayeru-Bito no Fubuki Tsutahe ni Chinamite Ama tsu Sumera 


Eumo-wi nasu A ga toho tsu oya no 

Eoto-sayegu Enni ideshi toki 

Bhiko tsn kuni Uchi-ideshi toki ni 

Hisa-kata no Ama tsu Sumera no 

6 Seo-yama ni Mi yashiro wo shime 

Yo-mo no kuni Eikoshi-wi-mashiki 

So wo mireba Umi mo michi-sake 

Digitized by 



So wo mireba Kaha mo shiri-zoki 

Ashibiki no Yama mo wo-zhika no 

10 Tachi-mahishi Koko shi omohoyuru 

Michi-sakeshi Umi no ara-nami mo 

Shiri-zokishi Kaha no haya-se mo 

Sa-wo-shika no Tachi-mafu yama mo 

Nani zo ya to Wa ha omohedomo 

15 Chi-biki nasu Ishi wo shimidza ni 

Kahe-tamafa Ama tsu Sumera no 

Mi idzu ni ha Umi yama kaha mo 
Kashikomazarame ya ? 

lKumo-wi nasu, p.-w. for tolw, " distant." Toho tsu oya, "ancestors." 
* Koto-say egu, generally used as the p.-w. for Morokoshi, " China/ 1 bat here in its 
proper sense of " chirping," contemptuously applied to foreign languages. SShiho 
tsu hum, *' vile country." Uchi, here and constantly Expletive. &Seo, "Sion," 
used for " Judah." Shimuru, "to fix," "to establish." 6 Yo-mo no kttni, " the 
surrounding provinces," i.e. " Israel." Kikosu, " to rule." The repeated his in 
this verse is, after the commentators, taken as applying to the Deity. 7 So, arch, 
for sore. Ashibiki no, p.-w. for yama. Wo-zhika no, " like young stags " (" stags " 
substituted for " rams " and '< lambs "). .10 TacM, Expletive. Attributive mahishi 
for Conclusive mahiki on account of the quasi- Accusative connection with the 
succeeding clause. In prose omoJioyuru would be followed by ha. 13 5a, Expletive. 
Shika must not here take the nigori. After no supply gotoku, as above. 15 CM- 
biki nasu, same as chUbiki no. 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Isurayeru ga Ejifuto wo ide, Yakobu no ka-zoku ga i-gen no knni 
wo ideshi toki ni, — sono toki ni Yuda ha Kare* no sei-shiyo (^fe Jjff) 
to nari, Isurayeru ha Kara no riyau-bufi to nareri. 

Umi ha sore wo mi, sau shite nige ; Yorudau ha shiri-zoki ; tai-zan 
(^ [Ij) ha wo-hitsuzhi no gotoku, seu-zan (>Ji |Jj) ha waka-hitsuzhi no 
gotoku tobiki. 

Umi yo 1 nani wo nrehite nanji ha niguru ? Yorudan yo ! nani wo 

* Shiyau-Tei wo saau. Tsugi no Kare mo onazhi. 

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chamberlain: a Japanese rendering of some psalms. 


urehite nanji ha shiri-zoku ? Tai-zaii yo ) nani wo nrehite nanji-ra ha 
wo-hitsuzhi no gotoku tobu ? Seu-zan yo ! nani wo nrehite nanji-ra ha 
waka-hitsuzhi no gotoku tobu ? 

Chi yo ! Iha wo midzu no ike ni kuwa shi, kataki iha wo idzumi 
ni kuwa sum tokoro no Yehoba, snnahachi Yakobu no Shiyau-Tei, no 
men-zeii ni shifi-ku (jg JS) se-yo 1 

DAI HIYAKU ZHIFU GO. «(ft. 116.) 

To tsu Kuni-Bito no Tafutomu Kami ha Mono Ihanu Hito-Gata ni 
Shite, Wa ga Tanomu Ama tsu Sumera no Mi Idzu ha Mede- 
Tatahe Beki wo Yomeru Uta : 

Eokotaki Kimi no 
Iyashiki tami 
To tsu knni-bito no 
Worogama oni no 
Koto wo ye-norazu 
Mono wo ye-miyezu 
Kowe wo ye-kikazu 
Mono ni ye-furezu 
Tsuchi wo ye-fomazu 
Kawori ye-kagazu 
Oto mo kikoyenu 
Ko-gane mote seshi 
Shiko hito-dochi zo 
Ari nami wo sa to 

Mi sakaye ha 
Ware-ra mina 
Shika ha aredo 

6 So gakuchiha 
So ga me-ra ha 
So ga mimi ha 
So ga te-ra ha 
So ga ashi ha 

10 So gahanaha 
Koto tohazu 
Shiro-kane ya 
Shiko-gata wo 
Yatsuko-ra mo 

^Shikasuga ni 

•The opening and closing portions of the versified rendering of this Psalm are 
more than usually free. 

vol. vni. 89 

Digitized by 




Megumi ha mo 
Mi koto ha mo 
Hisa-kata no 

20 Oho na sahe 
Saga-hito ha 
Afage-yo ya 
Ya-so kuni no 
Wo- date nasu 

Umashi Kimi zo 
Ya-so kuni no 
Tsuma ko-ra mo 

»Toho tsu kuni 
Hito mina ha 
Ame tsuchi wo 
Hisa-kata no 

^Ara-kane no 
Oho-Kimi wo 
Kefu yori ha 

Hito mo 

Megumasu Kimi 
Iya kataki Kimi . 
Ame ni mi idzu wo 
Ama tsu Wagimi ga 
Nani omohi-kemu 
Mi tami mo negi mo 
Yoki hito made mo 
Na wo mora Kimi wo 
Mi tami mo negi mo 
Yoki hito made mo 
Hi-tarashi-bito mo 
Nigihahi-masan wo 
Yomi no sakahi ni 
Toha ni koyaseru 
Mi idzu shiranedo 
Ame ni mashi-mashi 
Tsuchi wo hito-gusa ni 
Kokota tafutoki 
Yorodzu yo kakete 
Ware ha hayasana 
hayasane ! 

IKokotaki (f^ ^), arch, for ohoki. ^TotsukunUbito, " the heathen." 4 0ni' 
"bad spirits"; Kami, used in the literal version, may denote spirits good or 
bad. 8 6 SMe-ra and te-ra, arch. Plurals. H" Speechless and deaf." ^Shiko-gata, 
"idols." Uffito-dochi, "the same kind of creatures." U>Ari nami wo su to, 
" denying the truth." W Megumasu, Honorific Causat. for megumu. 17 Mi koto for 
makoto. 19 Wagimi, contraction of wa ga Kimi. &Afuge, pronounced aoge. 
Negi, "priests" (properly the grade of Shintau priests above the kaiinushi). 
23 Ya-so, "all" (lit. "eighty," A+)« ^Wo-date nasu, "like a shield": the tro, 
though written )Js is expletive. Na, arch. Pronoun of the Second Person. & Hi- 
tarashi-bito, "adults." V&Nigikahi, Active Verb. Wo has the force of "but." 
90 « To the distant country, the frontiers of the dark land." si Ite arch, for yukite. 
Toha ni koyaseru, "remain for ever." MMashi-mashi, "augustly dwells," the 
first half of the compound retaining the original meaning of " to dwell," while the 

Digitized by 


chamberlain: a Japanese rendering of some psalms. 808 

second is softened into an Honorific. ^Ara-kane no, p.-w. for Uuchi. Hito-gu*a, 
"mankind." 36 Yos<uu, " to grant." 38 & 39 "I will praise, and do yon praise*'.' 
na arch. Future, and ne arch. Imperative. 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Yehoba yo ! Ware-ra ni yei-yo wo tamahazu, ware-ra ni yei-yo 
wo tamahazu, Nanji no on-kei (Jg, Jg) to Nanji no shin-zhitsu no 
tame ni Nanji no na ni yei-yo wo atahe-yo. Ta-koku-zhin b ha nani yuwe 
ni ihan : " Ima kare-ra no Shiyau-Tei ha idzuku ni aru ?" 

Shikaa shite ware-ra no Shiyau-Tei ha ten ni ari ; Kare d no hori 
suru tokoro no nani nite mo Rare ga sore wo okonafa. Eaherite kare- 
ra 6 no kami-tachi ha zhin-saku no kin-gin nari. Eare-ra ha kuchi wo 
mochite mo katarazn. Kare-ra ha me wo mochite mo mizu. Eare-ra ha 
mimi wo mochite mo kikazu. Eare-ra ha hana wo mochite mo kagazn. 
Eare-ra no te ha, kare-ra ga mote furezu. Eare-ra no ashi ha, Eare-ra 
ga mote ayumazu. Eare-ra ha kare-ra no nodo wo mote katarazn. 
Kare-ra wo tsukuri, kare-ra wo tanomu tokoro no ono-ono no hito ha 
kare-ra no gotoku ni naru. 

Isurayeru yo I Yehoba wo tanome-yo ! Eare' ha kare-ra* no tayori 
to tate (fl|) nari. Arona no ka-zoku yo ! Yehoba wo tanome-yo ! Eare 
ha kare-ra no tayori to tate nari. Yehoba wo osoruru ( J£) tokoro no hito- 
bito yo ! Yehoba wo tanome-yo ! Eare ha kare-ra no tayori to tate nari. 

Yehoba ha ware-ra wo kokoro ni kakeki ; Eare ha meguman to su. 
Eare ha Isurayeru no ka-zoku wo meguman to shi, Eare ha Arona no 
ka-zoku wo meguman to shi, Eare ha Yehoba wo osoruru tokoro no 
hito-bito chiyau-yeu (J|$J) tomo ni meguman to shi ; Yehoba ha nafiji- 
ra to nanji-ra no ko-domo to ni mono wo masan to su. 

Teii-chi no zau-butsu-shiya naru Yehoba nite naiiji-ra ga megu- 
maruru wo wa ga negafu. Ten ha Yehoba no tame no ten nari, sau 

shite Eare ga chi wo zhin-shiyu ( \%&) ni tamahiki. 

. * 

b Shiyau-Tei ni tsukahezaru shiyo-kokuno hito wo ifu. 

c Shiyau-Tei ni tsukafuru hito wo ifu. 

d Shiyau-Tei wo sasu. 

e Shiyau-Tei ni tsukahezaru hito wo ifu. 

1 Shiyau-Tei wo sasu. «Isurayeru-bito wo ifu. 

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Shi-shiya (^g ^£) mata ha shi-kiyau ($6 Jjfc) no nra-sei ($*§?) ni 
kudaru tokoro no shiyo-nin (^ A) ha Yehoba wo san-bi sezu. Eaheriie 
ware-ra ha ima yori nochi yei-kiu ni Yehoba wo ai-shiyou seii to su. — 
Hareraya ! 


Ababuru Hito ni Semerarete Ama tsu Sumera no Mi Tasuke wo 

Negi-Matsuru Uta : 

Hisa-kata no Ame ni masu tefu 

Oho-Kimi wo Wa ha afugana 

Masura-wo no Nushi afugu goto 

Wotome-ra no Tozhi afugu goto 

6 Me kare sezu Afugi-tanomite 

Mi megumi wo Tayezu wa ga negu 

Hokorahishi Hito ni warahaye 

Chihayaburu Hito ni nikumaye 

Umashi Kimi no Megumi shi nakuba 
10 Ikaga semu ka mo? 

1 Tefu, pronounced clw, contraction of toifu, lit. " said to," but almost an ex- 
pletive. 2 Afugana, arch. Future. 6 Me kare sezu, "with eyes that tire not." 
QNegu, "to pray for;" conf. negi, "a priest." The compound form negafti has 
survived in common usage. 7 Warahaye, arch. Passive for waraliare. 8 Chihaya- 
buru, "violent," "oppressive." In the later poetry it passed into a p.-w. for bad 
gods, and eventually for gods in general. Nikumaye, arch. Passive for nikumare : 
prose would here require the Participle or the so-called Conditional, instead of the 
Radical form. 

Onazhtcu Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Teii no giyoku-shiyau (3£ jffc) n i za sun* tokoro no Naiiji ni ware 
ha wa wo agu. Mi-yo-ya ! Boku-ra no me ha Karera no shiyuu- 
kuii (j£ JjJ) no te he mukafu gotoku, hi (jfa) no me ha Kare no shiyuu- 

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b° (i fit) n0 te he mukafu gotoku, — sono gotoku ware-ra no me ha, 
Kare* ga ware-ra wo megumu made, Yehoha he mukafu. 

Yehoba yo ! ware-ra wo megume, ware-ra wo megume-yo ! Ikau to na- 
reba ware-ra ha zhifu-bun (-f* ft) ni kei-hetsu wo nkeki. Ware-ra no 
tamashihi ha keu-shiya (f| q§ ) no anadori] to bau-kun (|| g) no 
kei-betsu to zhifu-bun ni ukeki. 

•Shiyau-Tei wo sasu. 


Ama tsu Sumeba no Mi Tasuke wo Mede-Kashikomu no Uta: 

Arachi-wo no Osohi-koshi told 

Hisakata no Ama tsu Oho-Kimi no 

Mi idzu mote Tasuke-masazuba 

Chihayaburu Hito ni ya nomare 

6 Tagi tsu se no Kaha ni ya ware ha 

6hidzumi-hate Horobi-haten wo 

Ame tsuchi wo I-nashi-tamahishi 

• Oho-Kimi no Aharemi-maseba 

Shiko tsu wo ga Ye-mono to narazu 

10 Tonami hari Torafu hito no te yu 

Tobi-kakeru Eaho-dori no goto 

Mi yo no tanoshisa ! 

&Tagi: in arch, usage this word takes the nigori, and signifies, not so much a 
waterfall, as the rapids of a river. 6. . . ten wo, " should have . . . but." 10 Tonami, 
contraction of tori no ami. Torafu, from tori-afu (though written }$), " to catch. ,, 
UKaho-dori ( jfc ,%), " a beautiful bird." 12 The whole sentence has the force of 
an exclamation. 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaku. 
Isurayern wo shite ihaseshime-yo : Hito-bito ga ware-ra ni sakahite 
hatsu-ki (f$4B) seshi toki ni, Yehoba ha wa ga mikata ni arazareba, sono 
toki ni kare-ra no ikari ga ware-ra ni sakahite hatsu seshi toki ni, kare- 

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ra ga ware-ra wo sei-doii (^#) seshi naran, sono toki ni midzu ga 
ware-ra wo oboraseslii naran, kaha ga ware-ra no tamashihi wo ahidzu- 
meshi naran, ken-man ni minagiru midzu ga ware-ra no tamashihi wo 
shidzumeshi naran. . 

Kare-ra no shi-ga (jUfj ^p) no ye-mono tote ware-ra wo sntezarishi 
tokoro no Yehoba ha ai-shiyou serareii.wo waganegafu. Ware-ra no 
tamashihi ha kiii-teu ('fif J^)' no gotoku ho-teu-sha (^§ j^ qjf) no 
ami yori nigeki : ami ha sake (§jl), saa shite ware-ra ha nigeki. 

Ten-chi no zau-butsu-shiya nam Yehoba no na ha ware-ra no tayori 

•This compound is used because the simple word tori suggests the idea of " a 
barn-door fowl." 


Yorodzu no Eoto-goto Ama tsu Sumeba no Mi Tama-Mono Nabu wo 
Yomebu Uta : 

Ihe ha mo Ama tsu Oho-Kimi no 

Mi te mote Tatezuba tatazu 

Iha-ki ha mo Ama tsu Oho-Kimi no * 

Mi idzu mote Morazuba yohashi 

6 Mi ke shi mo yo Wa ha inuru to mo 

Ama tsu Eimi no Tada ni kudasu zo 

Shikasuga ni Oho tari mi mi no 

Mi megumi to Omohoyede koso 

Ake-boshi no Ide-konu saki yo 

10 Yu£u-dzutsu no Eage kururu made 

Adzusa-yumi Itodo isoshimu 

Eahi nakere Umare-ide-kuru 

Eo-ra chifu mo Tami wo uruhosu to 

Ama tsu Eimi no Tamafu takara ya 

w Masura-wo ga Yu-de no ya no goto 

Ya nareba ya Ei no kana-do ni 

Wa ga ada ni I-mukafu toki zo 

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chamberlain: a Japanese bendemng of some psalms. 807 

Ito saha ni Yugi ni sono ya wo 

Takuhafuru Chichi no mikoto ha 

^Tanoshikiro ka mo ! 

l to 4 Considerably compressed to suit the Japanese taste for brevity. Iha-ki 
(%j Sfc)> " a firm castle " or •• fortified city." 7 Oho tari mi mi (^C J£ ^ #), 
" the great, all-sufficing, august being." 9 To, arch, for yori. ^Adzusa-yumi, p.-w. 
for words beginning with A and others. Isoshimu, " to hurry," " to take pains." 
13 Ko-ra, " children," arch. Plural. CJiifu, pronounced chiyil, arch, contraction of to 
i/u. 15 Yu-de, for yumi-te, " the left hand." 16 Ya narebaya, " being arrows." Ki 
(Si)> arch, for " a castle." Kana-do (from & and P"), arch, for ftado, "a 
gate." 17 Wa ga, " their." 19 Chichi no mikoto (usually preceded by the p.-w. cAi- 
chinomino), *' father." ^Tanoshikiro ka mo, "is happy indeed " : fciro would* 
seem to stand for .... fa* art*; &a mo is exclamatory like the common classical 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Ihe wo ba Yehoba ga zau-ritsu (|§J 3j£) sezareba, sore wo zau-ritsu 
suru tokoro no hito-bito ha mu-yeki ni rau (|£) su. To-fu (%$ Jff) 
wo ba Yehoba ga shiu-go (^p H?) sezareba, sore wo shin-go sum tokoro 
no hito ha mu-yeki ni yo wo akasu. 

Nafij'i-ra ga ku-rau (^ $£) no pan wo kuhi-tsutsu, hayaku okite 
sau shite tada osoku ikofu ha mu-yeki nari. Eedashi sono gotoku Rare* 
ga Kare no ai-shi ( j| I jh) ni nemuri no uchi ni tamafu. 

Mi-yo-ya I Dan-zhi (^ §g) ha Yehoba no tama-mono nari ; hara 
no mi ha hau-bi (3§J H) nari. Yei-iyuu (^ ££) no te ni ya (^J) no 
aru gotoku, sono gotoku sau-nen (t|£ dp) no dan-zhi-domo nari. 

Kare-ra b ni mitsuru yugi wo motsu tokoro no hito ha saihai nari. 
Kare-ra ha mon ni oite teki to kataru toki ni, kare-ra ga hajin to sezu. 

* Shiyau-Tei wo sasu. b Dau-zhi wo ifu. 


Yoki Hito no Sachihahi wo Yomeru Uta : 

Yasumishishi Wago Oho-Eimi ni 

Kake-maku mo Tsukahe-matsurite 

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806 chambeblain: a Japanese bendekino of some psalms. 

Hisa-kata no Ama tsu mi nori wo 

Kashikoku mo Mori-ken hito no 

5 Bono sachi ya Kagiri mo shirani 

Ta tsn mono Mi -nori yutakeku 

Hata tsu mono Woshi-mono saha ni 

Waka-kusa no Tsuma no mikoto ha 

Niha n'uchi no Tama-katsura goto 

10 Ari-ginu no Takara no ko-ra ha 

Haru-no-be no Waka-na no gotoku 

Ono ga mi mo Toshi no wo nagaku 

Ko-ra ga ko no Suwe no suwe made 

Kuni sakiku Miyako yutaka ni 

^Nagarahen Ama tsn Oho-Kimi no 

Mede-tamahi Megumase-tamafu 

Hito no tanoshisa ! 

1 Yasumiskiski, p.-w. for the following. Wago, arch, irreg. form for wa ga. 5 Ka- 
giri mo shirani, " boundless "; ni is the arch. Radical form of the Negative nu. 6 Ta 
tsu mono, " the produce of his field"; 7" The produce of his garden and his food 
being very abundant." ^Waka-kusa no, p.-w. for tsuma. Tsuma no mikoto, " wife." 
N'uchi, arch, contraction for no uchi. Tama, " beautiful ." The figures of the 
vine and the olive-branches can only be thus rendered by equivalents. 10 Ariginu 
no, p.-w. for takara, which latter is almost an Expletive. U No-be ($f jJJ), " a 
grassy lea." 12 Toshi no wo {if $|J), " the thread of his life." U Sakiku, " pros- 
perous," only used in the Adverbial form. 17 " 1 the happiness of the man who 
etc., etc." 

Onazhiku Chiyoku-Yaxu. 

Yehoba wo osore, Kare no michi wo ayumu tokoro no ono-ono no 
mono (%) ha saihahi nari. Nanji A ha mochi-rofi nanji no shiu-sei (^ JU) 
no mono wo kuhan to su ; nanji ha saihahi nari, sau shite nanji ha nani- 
goto mo tanoshiku ari. 

Nanji no tsuma ha nanji no ihe no oka ni ara yutaka nam bu-dau 
no gotokn ari ; nanji no ko-domo ha nafiji no tsukahe no mahari nam 
kan-ran no ko-yeda no gotoku ari. 

* Michi wo ayumu shin-zhiya (4f§ ;§) wo ifu. 

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Mi-yo-ya ! Yehoba wo osornrn tokoro no hito ha mochi-ron kaku 
aiseraru. Seo-yama yori Yehoba ha nanji wo mede ; sau shite nafiji 
no shiyau-gai (££ 2£) nanji ha Yerusaren no haii-zhiyau {% §|) wo 
mi ; sau shite nanji ha naiiji no ko-domo no ko-domo wo min wo wa ga 
negafu. Isurayeru ni hei-aii aran wo wa ga negara. 


Taoahi ni Mutsumeeu Mi no Sachihahi wo Yomebu TJta: 

Uruhashiku Ahi-stunu tami no 

Sono sachi ya Taguhete ihana 

Nagnhashiki Oho-negi Arona no 

Itadakite Ya-tsuka no hige yn 

5 Eoromo made Mo no suso made ni 

Sosoga chifa Kushi-abura ga goto 

Mata ha shi mo Taguhete ihana 

Hisa-kata no Ama tsu Oho-Kimi no 

Kashikoku mo Mi koto-nori shite 

10 Toko-toha ni Mede-tamahi-masu 

Seo-yama no Kushi-yama no he ni 

Hernmo-ne yn Urohobi-okern 

Tsuyu-shimo no Shira-tama goto mo 

Uruhashiku Ahi-sumu tami no 
15 Sono sachihahi ha I 

2 Taguhete, " by a similitude." Ihana, arch. Future (for iha fi). 3 Naguhashiki 
(/& $B)) " far-famed/ 1 arch, equivalent of the phrase na ni *hi ofu, common in 
the classical poetry. * Ya-tsuka ( A 5R)> "very long." 10 Toko-toha ni, "for 
evermore." 11 Kushi-yama, " sacred mountain.* 1 He, J§. 13 Tsuyu-shimo, " dew,*' 
shimo being an Expletive, though written f§, and not to be confounded with the 
particles shi mo. 14 & 15 Initial lines repeated after the manner of the se-dou-ka. 
vol. vm. 40 

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"810 chamberlain: a Japanese BBKDXBiNa of boms psalms. 

Onazhku Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Mi-yo-ya! Kei-tei mo itsu-shiyo (— ffi) ni sumu koto ha ika ni 
yoroshiku, sau shite ika ni nreshiku aru yo ! Sore ha Arona no hige ni 
shidzuka ni nagare-kudari, kare no i-fuku no suso made shidzuka ni 
nagare-kudarn kaube no tafutoki abura no gotoku ; mata ha Seo-yama 
ni shidzuka ni nagare-kudarn Herumo no tsuyu no gotoshi : ikan to nareba 
soko ni Yehoba ha ofi-kei, sunawachi inochi wo yei-kiu ni maakeki. 


The Bey. J. L. Amerman observed that the Japanese could use their colloquial 
dialect with the element o! vulgarity eliminated. It then became suitable for 
serious compositions. He knew of several serious publications in the colloquial 
dialect which had achieved a very wide circulation. He considered that the 
greatest objection to the plan proposed by Mr. Chamberlain was the fact that 
there was a double rendering. In translating the Scriptures it was very essential 
that the sacred text should be expressed in one way and one way only. Any 
paraphrase would be apt to reflect the distinctive doctrinal views of the translator. 
The experience of those who had used the English Prayer-Book version of the 
Psalms seemed to show that a paraphrase, versified and amplified, was unnecessary. 
The present tendency in Japan was towards the extended use of Sinico-Japanese, 
between which and the colloquial style a gradual approximation seemed to he 
taking place. 

Mr. Satow said he had had the pleasure of reading Mr. Chamberlain's transla- 
tions into ancient Japanese verse, and he had no hesitation in saying that they 
appeared to him to convey the spirit of the English original much more closely 
than the literal versions. In spite of the success obtained by the author of the 
paper, he was, however, inclined to agree with the view of the last speaker, that 
this style would not be found adequate to translating the whole of the Old Testa- 
ment. The Chinese classics to the follower of Confucius, and the Chinese versions 
of the Buddhist Scriptures to the Buddhist priest, were what the Bible is to the 
European, and their style ranked as high in the judgment of Japanese as that of 
the English version in the opinion of Englishmen. If the Chinese version of the 

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Old Testament already in existence were made to conform more closely to the 
classical Chinese, it could be read with facility by educated Japanese, and if 
published with a Japanese translation in the same way as the Chinese classios are, 
would be easily understood by the common people, who by the medium of the 
popular newspapers, printed in Chinese characters with Japanese characters 
along-side, were daily becoming more familiar with the Sinioo-Japanese style. Such 
had been the opinion expressed to him by several Japanese with whom he had 
conversed on the subject. 

Dr. Faulds said that there were elements at work tending to raise the colloquial 
language out of its present degraded state, and that the Japanese were beginning 
to look on the high Chinese style as rather ridioulous, and to compare scholars of 
Chinese to those painters who were celebrated for their classical pieces, which no 
one understood, but who failed miserably when they laid themselves open to 
general criticism by painting something commonplace and intelligible. 

Mr. Blanchet handed in a copy of a " Japanese version of the hundredth Psalm," 
translated by a committee of missionaries in Sinico-Japanese style. [See next 

Mr. Wright asked Mr. Chamberlain whether the plan he advocated was 
intended to apply to the translation of the Psalms for actual use by Japanese 
converts to Christianity? 

Mr. Chamberlain said that, having already exposed his views at length in the 
paper now under discussion, he would not take up more than a few moments of the 
meeting's time. He simply desired to remind Mr. Amerman, who had objected on 
principle to the plan of printing two parallel versions of the Psalms and 
making one of these versions a poetical parapharase, that in the chief book 
of one of the chief churches of Christendom,— the English Prayer-Book, — 
two such versions were given. That the metrical version was in this par- 
ticular case a very unsatisfactory one, did not affect the argument. He also 
begged to correct a statement of Mr. Amerman's to the effect that he (Mr. 
Chamberlain) had denied the existence of any serious works in Sinico-Japanese, 
and observed that, after all, the distinction between Sinico-Japanese and the 
Chiyoku-yaku style which he had advocated, was not essential. If, as Mr. Satow 
seemed to think, the existing Chinese versions of the Scriptures are those which 
are most likely to suit the taste of Japanese readers, then we may find pleasure 
in the thought that the labour of translation is already accomplished. If, on the 
contrary, the colloquial, when it shall have been rendered fit for literary purposes, 
is to be the medium, then in all probability no person now living will survive to see 
the result. No one would hail with greater delight than himself the substitution 
of one common easily understood language for the present cumbrous system 
according to which the Japanese write in a manner different to that in which they 
speak. But the versions in his paper had been made with a view,— not to a distant 

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( 812 ) 

future, bat to the present moment,— and were intended to be o! a kind that would 
please the educated olass, the most important of all classes, leading, as it does, the 
way in which the masses afterwards follow. 


1. Sekai mina Yehoba ni yorokobi yobawari ; yorokobi wo motto 
Yehoba ni tsukaye, uta wo motte sono maye ni kitarubeshi. 

2. Nanjira Yehoba wa Kami nam wo shiru beshi, Shu wa war era 
wo tsukuri-tamayeri. 

8. Warera midzukara tsukurishi ni aradzu, Shu no tami, Shu ni 
kawaruru hitsuji nari. 

4. Kansha wo motte Shu no mon ni iri, sambi wo motte Shu no den 
ni nobori, Shn ni shashi, mi na wo home tatematsurubeshi. 

5. Shn wa megumi ari, Shn no awaremi kagiri naku, sono makoto 
yoyo ni tsukizareba nari. 

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By Eenest Satow. 

[Rmd April 13, 1880.] 

A great impulse has lately been given to the study of archaeology 
in this country by the important discoveries of Prof. Ed. Morse in the 
shell-heaps at Ohomori 1 and elsewhere, by the publication of Mr. Yon 
Siebold's "Notes on Japanese Archeology," full of interesting facts 
and valuable illustrations, and still more recently by the researches of 
Mr. John Milne in Yezo, which have formed the subject of a paper 
already presented by him to this Society. 2 Fresh helps to the study of 
this subject may be daily looked for, and every additional scrap of 
information is worth collecting. It is with this conviction that I venture 
to oner to the society a few notes on some prehistoric burial-mounds in 
the province of Kaudzuke which were opened about two years back, as 
well as on the ancient pottery and other articles discovered in them and 
at one or two neighbouring places. 

Whoever has travelled in the province of Yamato cannot fail to 
have visited some of the remarkable circular tumuli, often surrounded 
by moats, under which lie the remains of the early sovereigns of this 
country. In Kaudzuke, also, there are numerous circular burial-mounds, 
and in the course of an hour's ramble in the neighbourhood of the 
village of Ohomuro on the occasion of a recent visit, I counted at least 
six undoubted ones, three of which have been already opened, besides 
as many more of similar shape that will probably turn out on examina- 
tion to be of the same character. None of those that had been opened, 

1 See " Memoirs of the Science Dept., University of Tokio, 1879, vol. i, pt. 1. 
'Transactions, vol. viii., pt. 1. 

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as far as I could ascertain, were known to have yielded any relics of 
antiquity, but then one of them, the largest, was opened so long ago 
that all memory of the event has been lost. In this province the 
circular mounds appear to have been reserved for persons of inferior 
rank, and the great finds of pottery and other articles have been made 
in tumuli of another form. These are situated in the villages of Ohoya 
and OHomuro, 8 two in the former, three in the latter village. Of the 
two at Ohoya, one was opened about 60 years ago, and the last survivor 
of those who had a hand in its demolition died three years back. It 
yielded, besides a circular mirror hung with small bells and one so- 
called maga-tama, several very curious pieces of pottery, which will be 
described further on. The second was opened in 1878. Of the three 
at Ohomuro two only have been opened, and it was from one of these 
that a large and varied assemblage of extremely characteristic pottery 
was obtained, besides iron weapons, articles of bronze and blue 
glass beads. 

The general shape of these mounds is best shown by the accompany- 
ing sketch of one of them. They are in fact double mounds, and are 
therefore popularly called Futa-go yama or Twin-hills. A line drawn from 
end to end would run nearly from east to west. The west end is square, 
the eastern being round. While the latter contained the tomb, with 
the corpse lying north and south, the former is supposed to have been the 
quarter from which reverence was paid to the dead by the presentation 
of offerings. About the middle there is a slight contraction, to which a 
depression in the connecting ridge corresponds. Each mound seems 
to have been originally built up in three tiers, though the outlines have 
been obliterated in the course of ages by the growth of vegetation and the 
action of wind and rain. On the top of each jiier was a fence formed of 
a row of terra cotta pipes about two feet high, connected by wooden 
poles or bamboos passed through holes about half-way from the base. 
Of these three mounds those which lie on the north and south have a 
single surrounding moat, but the central one had once a double moat, 
traces of which are still easily distinguished. Several small circular 
mounds are dotted irregularly about the immediate vicinity, but as these 

8 About 7 miles E. of Mahebashi, the capital of the Gun-ba prefecture, and 
6 miles N. of Isezaki on the high-road from Tou-kiyau to that town. 

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have not yet been examined it is impossible to say whether they are in 
any way connected with the principal mounds, as being, for instance, 
the burial-places of retainers. It may perhaps be that the double-moated 
tumulus covers the tomb of a personage of still higher rank than either 
of the others, and when it comes to be opened may be expected to yield 
an even larger collection of relics. 

For convenience' sake I will begin with the southernmost mound. 
Its greatest height is 86 feet, its length 872 feet and width 284 feet, ac- 
cording to the official measurement. The tomb is in the ciroular part at 
the east end, and opens towards the south, but a little to the east. It is 
divided into three sections, the outermost of which is a passage 88 feet 
in length, to which succeeds a sort of sacrificial chapel 24 feet long, and 
. then a chamber 6 feet in depth, which is supposed to have contained 
the coffin. The height throughout is rather over 6 feet, and the width, 
beginning with about 8 feet at the entrance, gradually increases to about 
4£ feet at the further end. No exact measurements are possible, because 
the stones of which the walls and roof are constructed are rough un- 
trimmed blocks, just in the state in which they were- brought from the 
quarries on the hill-side in the neighbourhood. The size of these blocks 
is considerable. Those in the roof of the outer'passage must be at least 
6 feet long, and as there are 8 of them, must average over 4 feet in 
width. This part of the tomb was filled up with loose stones and earth, 
and at its further end were two large slabs which closed the entrance to 
the interior. The sacrificial chapel was divided from the coffin chamber 
by a low sill of stone. When the mound was first opened the interior of 
the tomb was found filled half-way to the roof with fine dust, which had 
evidently accumulated during the lapse of centuries by falling through 
the crevices between the stone slabs overhead. On removing this there 
were discovered in the outer compartment seventeen pieces of pottery, 
part of a bronze head- piece for a horse, a bronze stirrup in fragments, 
an iron spear-head, a quantity of iron arrow-heads and some bits of iron 
chain. In the innermost compartment were found about three hundred 
beads of blue glass, a small gold ring (Fig. 29), a circular bronze 
mirror 4£ inches in diameter, an iron spear-head, some iron hooks and 
bits of chain, and four ornaments in bronze, much broken, lying in 
the four corners. Mr. Atkinson has kindly analyzed some fragments 

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of the beads, and states that they appear to consist of a silicate 
of potash and lime, containing some ferrous silicate and coloured 
with oxide of cobalt. The glass contains no lead, and its specific gravity 
is low — 2.88. The iron was almost entirely converted into rust, and 
the bronze articles had also rusted considerably, with the exception 
of the mirror, which appears to have suffered little. The floor was 
covered with a quantity of reddish dust, some of which I brought 
away. It has been found by Mr. Atkinson to consist mainly of red 
oxide of iron, with very slight traces of phosphoric acid and lime. It is 
•supposed that the body, together with a necklace formed of these beads, 
the ring and the mirror, was enclosed in a wooden coffin filled with red 
oxide of iron (known to the Japanese as benigara) ; and that the coffin 
was then suspended from the roof by the iron hooks and chains of 
which fragments were found lying on the floor. The four bronze 
halberd-shaped ornaments were perhaps fixed on the end of staves, and 
placed upright in the four corners. In the course of time the -body, 
burial clothing and wood of the coffin evidently decayed, while the 
imperishable contents fell to the bottom of the tomb. The hooks and 
chains were eaten through by rust, and gave way, some falling outside 
the sill, the rest within. This must have happened before the dust 
began to find its way through the crevices of the roof. If the coffin were 
made of maid (Podocarpus macrophylla) as we learn from the Ni-hon-gi 
was the practice in early times, it would have a good chance of lasting 
twenty or thirty years, before falling to pieces, as this is one of the most 
durable kinds of wood grown in Japan. 

The pottery discovered in the interior of the tomb was mainly of 
two sorts, one being blackish grey, thick and extremely hard, the other 
red, inclining to pink, thin and comparatively soft. A third, which may 
be called terra cotta, probably made from a somewhat coarser clay of the 
same character as the last, was used for the tubular posts of the fences 
already mentioned. The ornamentation is chiefly of seven kinds : 1st, 
horizontal parallel ridges and grooves at regular distances ; 2nd, angular 
wave-lines or zigzags impressed on the paste by means of a comb with 
from two to seven teeth ; 3rd, a pattern made by cutting shallow notches 
with a knife in a direction inclined from the axis of the article and then 
impressing a row of blunt points on the left hand side of the notch; 4th, 

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irregular designs produced by parallel strokes made with a blunt point, 
which are crossed by other strokes only slightly differing in direction or 
by strokes at right angles, the effect being in some cases a resemblance 
to the impression of a coarse kind of cloth ; 6th, curved strokes made 
without any particular intention, crossing each other in an irregular 
manner ; 6th, concentric circular incised lines ; 7th, small buttons or 
bosses of clay; and lastly, square, triangular and round holes made 
through the bases of vessels. The terra cotta pieces have their surfaces 
generally covered with parallel striae in the direction of their length, 
made with some article of the nature of a brush. 

I shall now proceed to describe the contents of the first tumulus 
in detail. 4 

No. 1. 

Of common red clay, without any glaze, made with the wheel. In 
the base two triangular apertures, cut out of the soft paste with a knife. 
One side was partly blackened, apparently with lamp-black. 


Height 11.94 

Diam. of mouth 6.18 

" " throat 4.05 

" " globe 7.78 

II " top of base 2.91 

" " foot of base 6.86 

No. 2. 

Brown clay inclining to pale red, the fractures black. Distinct 
marks of the wheel on the inside of the bowl. Underneath the rim on 
the outside runs a zigzag pattern made with seven points, then two 
grooves, another zigzag mark, and then the latticed pattern made with 
a blunt point. The zigzags are repeated on each of the four sections of 
the base. 

* See the illustrations. 

6 These measures were taken in Japanese inches and afterwards converted into 
English measure by multiplying by 1.19. The 2nd decimal cannot be depended on 
for exactness. 

vol. vm. 41 

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Height 15.6 

Diam. of bowl 14.28 

Height of base 10.71 

Diam. of top of base 4.28 

" of foot of base 10.82 

No. 8. 

A kind of flat circular jar of dark brown clay, with concentric 
circles incised on the front side, the back quite plain. Apparently 
intended to J>e hong against a wall by cords passed through its two ears, 
but discovered resting upright in the bowl of No. 2. 


Diam 10.11 

From back to front 5.71 

Diam. of mouth 2.78 

Height of neck 1.48 

No. 4. 

This resembles No. 2 very closely, almost the only difference being 
that the base has one section less. The bottom of the interior of the 
bowl is covered with curved lines made with a broad point. The lip of 
the bowl has zigzag ornaments made with two points only. On the 
bottom of the bowl are two sets of parallel straight lines crossing each 
other at an acute angle. Colour and material the same as No. 2. 


Height 14.99 

Height of base 10.11 

Diam. of bowl 14.28 

" " foot 12.14 

" " top of base 4.46 

No. 5. 

A flat circular jar like No. 8, with a wider neck, slightly inclined to 
one side, and the zigzag mark under the lip. This was found resting 
in No. 4. 

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FIG. 4 

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No. 6. 

A tall column surmounted by a small basin, in the bottom of which 
is a hole 1.5 in. diameter. To what purpose this was applied can only 
be a matter of conjecture. It is possible that it held a staff to which 
were attached streamers of cloth, representing the aratahe and nigitahe 
frequently mentioned among offerings made to the gods. Colour gener- 
ally dark brown, but the base has apparently been coloured with red 
*■ "*" of iron. The bowl has distinct marks of the potter's wheel, 
rnamentation consists of the zigzag pattern on the outside of the 
and on each section of the columns and base, besides small 
s or bosses on the bands which divide the six sections of the 
. The upper edge of the base has the pattern made with the 
d blunt points, and is further decorated with four small images 
ppear to represent a bird, a fish, a frog and a mouse. There is 
for one more, which has been lost. Each of the upper five 
s of the column has two rows of zigzag marks, the bottom 
i only one. The bell-shaped base has one row of zigzags in the 
section, two each in the second and third sections, and one in the 
q section. All made with a five-toothed comb. 


ghtofbowl x 2.86 

• " column 12.02 

" base 8.69 

Total height 28.57 

Diam. of bowl 7.78 

" " top of column 4.28 

" " bottom of column 8.45 

" " top of base 5.06 

" " bottom of base 11.66 

No. 7. 

A wide-mouthed vase of blackish grey clay, with traces of colouring 
with red oxide of iron. Ornamentation on the neck, three closely united 
rows of zigzags made with a five-toothed comb ; on the globe, two rows 
of the pattern made with the knife and blunt points. 

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Height 9.28 

Diam. of mouth 5.47 

" " globe 7.6 

" " throat 8.57 

Height of globe 5.86 

No. 8. 

A tazza of brown clay, no colouring, with three triangular aperture? 
in the base, formed with curvilinear sides. Zigzag mark on th avI 
formed by a three-toothed comb. 

Height !2 

" of base J.i; 

Diam. of bowl 5 S 

" "foot 8.S9 

" "throat LAS 

Three of these vessels were found, one of them broken into t* ] ieoes. 

No. 9. 

A vase of brown clay, with a round bottom, so that if 1 (><*-» not 
readily stand upright. The whole of the neck is covered ~\itl 'ho 
zigzag pattern, and round the middle of the globe runs a ban . i h we 
pattern made by the knife and blunt points. In this band . < i a 
carefully formed round aperture, but no traces are visible oi in ut 
having at any time been attached. 


Height ^ 

" of globe 2.8 

Diam. of mouth 5.71 

" "globe 4.4 

" " throat 2.8 

No. 10. 

A tazza of brown clay similar to No. 8, with truncated triangular 
apertures in the base. 


Height 5.95 

Diameter 5.88 

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FIG. 1 * 

FIG. 77 Flo. 7 <r 

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J '. * > _.--''. V- 1 "" ~^*j 

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No. 11. 

A tazza of red clay, without ornament. 


Height 5.85 

Diam. of bowl 7.88 

11 "foot 6.24 

A pair of these were found. 

No. 12. 

Similar tazza of smaller dimensions. 


Height 6.12 

Diam. of bowl 6.48 

" " foot 5.24 

There were a pair of these. 

No. 18. 

A saucer of red clay, with perpendicular sides ; no ornament. 

Diameter 4,64 

Height 1.78 

No. 14. 

Bronze cheek-piece for the head-stall of a horse, composed of a 
horizontal plate 18in. in length, and a vertical plate 8$ in. high, with a 
double edging ornamented with small circular bosses. 

No. 15. 

Stirrup-iron, consisting of a circular ring for the foot, 6 inches 
diameter, and a straight piece by which it was suspended 10 in. long, 
much rusted and broken into four pieces. 

Nos. 16 and 17. 

Two iron spear-heads, each about a foot in length, much rusted. 

No. 18. 

Halberd-shaped ornament of bronze plates, with double edging 
ornamented with small bosses about 17 in. long. There were four of 
these, all in a more or less corroded and broken condition. 

No. 19. 

Fragment of a human head in red clay, found buried in the earth 
at the base of the tumulus. Full size. 

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No. 20. 

Hand-made tubular post of terra-cotta dag up at the base of the 
tumulus. The upper part, above the hole through which a bamboo or 
wooden pole was passed, has been broken off. Surface covered with 
close longitudinal marks of a coarse brush. 


Height to edge of hole 11.54 

Diameter 6 to 6.65 

No. 21. 

Is a similar corner-post, which apparently terminated in a knob. 
Of rough terra cotta, without marks of the brush, hand-made. This was 
found at one of the tumuli, but I was unable to ascertain which. 


Height 14.28 

Diameter 4.64 to 6 

It would be easy to obtain more by digging, as the ground seems 
to yield fragments of these posts whenever disturbed. 

The central tumulus, as I have already stated, has not yet been 

The northern tumulus, when opened, was found to contain a single 
chamber about 21 feet deep, 5 ft. wide at the entrance, increasing to 
9 ft. at the back, and a little over 6 ft. high, built of the same huge uncut 
blocks as that already described. The roof is formed by five of these. 
The longest block measures 7 feet by 5, and 2 ft. is apparently the average 
thickness. The opening bears S.W. by S. Nothing was found in this 
tomb but a few human teeth, a fragment or two of bone, a quantity 
of iron arrow-heads (see Fig. 22-4) and rings of different sizes, some of 
iron, others of silver-plated bronze. 

Among the miscellaneous pieces of pottery in the collection obtained 
from these tumuli is a curious fragment, which has an ornament on the 
inner side formed of circles and curves drawn in the clay with a blunt 
point, and usually considered to be characteristic of ancient Korean 
pottery. The outer side has a pattern similar to what has already been 
described as found on the specimens figured as Nos. 2 and 4, and which 
is apparently formed of series of parallel depressed lines or grooves 
made with a blunt point, and crossing each other at a very acute angle, 

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but sometimes at a right angle. The exact spot where this bit was 
discovered was not known, bnt I was informed that it had been found 
in digging over a field somewhere in the village. Drawings of both 
surfaces after rubbings are given in Fig. 88. 

At the adjacent village of Ohoya, behind a Shin-tau temple called 
San-tai zhin-zhiya, dedicated to the goddess Ko-no-hana-saku-ya hime, 
is a fourth double tumulus with five attendant circular mounds close 
by. This tumulus was the first to be opened. The tomb consists of a 
single chamber, about 6 ft. wide 7 high and 16 deep. The roof is 
formed of three large blocks, each of which must measure about ten feet 
ty four. No pottery was discovered in it, but it yielded several sword- 
blades, numerous arrow-heads and ten rings. Some of the latter were 
of iron covered with bronze (see Fig. 25), others of bronze gilt (see 
Fig. 26), others again of bronze without any trace of precious metal 
(Fig. 27), some of bronze with a coating of silver. 

On the south side of the same temple are the remains of a double 
tumulus which was opened some sixty years ago, when a considerable 
quantity of relics were found, some of which are still in the possession 
of Kohito Mamichi, the priest in charge. The stones of the tomb were 
carried off by some masons to use as building material. I give a list 
of the principal articles in this small collection. 

No. 29 represents a small vase of black clay, somewhat resembling 
No. 9. It has the neck almost entirely covered with the zigzag orna- 
ment, and in the band which surrounds the middle of the globe is a 
perfectly formed round hole. This vessel is formed so as to stand 
steadily on its bottom. 


Height 6 

" of globe 2.08 

Diam. of mouth 6.24 

" " globe 4.06 

" " throat 1.84 

No. 80. 

A jar of black clay, resembling Nos. 8 and 5, but differing from 
them in having the concentric grooves all over it, both front, back and 
sides. The diameter of its flat back is 7.14 inches and its thickness from 

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824 satow: asotjbnt sepulchral moutos nr kahdzuke. 

back to front 6.9 inches ; diameter of month 8.8 inches. It is difficult 
to decide what was the position which this vessel was intended to 
assume. It might be hung np by the ears against a wall, or laid flat on 
the ground, for its mouth is so near the convex front that it could 
still contain a fair quantity of liquid even in that position, but in 
either case the ornament at the back would be quite useless. Perhaps 
it may have been intended to rest in a stand like those found in the 1st 
tumulus. (See figs. 2 and 4.) 

In this tumulus, but outside the tomb, were found the following 
articles : — 

No. 81, the fragment of a vase which, from its rapidly attenuating 
form, must have been intended to be planted in the ground. 

No. 82. 

A jar of reddish rough clay, much scratched and apparently pared 
with a knife. It was probably moulded with the hand, and its walls 
were then pared to the required degree of thinness. The fractures 
show a black clay inside, and the red colour is attributed by the owner 
to long exposure to the weather. It was for some time used as a flower- 
pot, and a hole was made in the bottom to adapt it to that purpose. 

Height 5. 

Diam. of lip 5.95 

No. 88. 

Large jar of light brown colour inside and outside, with black 
patches, probably due to irregular action of the fire in the kiln. The 
neck is much broken, so that the precise form of that part cannot be 


Height 11.9 

Diam. of neck inside 6.07 

No. 84. 

Yase of pale reddish pottery, with a wide flat lip, the lower part 
broken off. The dotted line shows how rapidly the interior tapers to a 
point. It probably had a foot like the fragment represented in fig. 27. 

But the most interesting piece in this little collection is the bust of 
a human figure, which was dug out of the same tumulus, and for a time 

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FIG. 3 5- 

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ii *frj A 



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FIG. 3* 

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to sleep dreamed each a dream. At daybreak the elder reported to his 
father that in his dream he had aseended a certain hill, and turning to 
the east, eight times brandished his spear and eight times dealt a blow 
with his sword. The yonnger then told his dream in turn. He had 
ascended the same hill, and spreading a rope on all sides of him, had 
hunted the sparrows that devoured the corn. From these two dreams it 
was naturally inferred that the gods intended the elder to be governor 
of the Eastern Provinces and the younger to be monarch of the whole 
empire. The latter was therefore recognized as heir to the throne, and 
the former appointed ruler of the Eastern Provinces. These events took 
place in the 48th year of Su-zhiii Ten-wau, which, according to popular 
chronology, corresponds to the year 60 B.C., but this date cannot be 
accepted with any more confidence than, let us say, the year 1184 B.C. 
for the fall of Troy. The son of Toyo-ki-iri hiko was Ya-tsuna-da, who 
. was in turn succeeded in the governorship of the east by his son Hiko- 
sa-ahima no miko, but the latter died on the way, just after setting out 
from the capital to take possession of his office. The Easterners (some 
of whom may perhaps have come up to Yamato to meet him) secretly 
carried off his body and buried it in the province of Eaudzuke. The 
Ni-hofi-gi (from which these notices are taken) goes on to say that 
Mi-moro-wake no miko, son of Hiko-sa-shima, was appointed in the 
following year to take his father's place. This event is ascribed to the 
56th year of Kei-kau Ten-wau or 126 A.D., according to the same 
fabulous chronology, and it adds that " the descendants of this prince, 
who was a wise and benevolent ruler, exist in the eastern provinces to 
this day " (i.e. some time in the 8th century). 

If it be admitted that the local tradition which identifies the centra* 
tumulus with the burial-place of Mi-moro-wake no miko is authentic, 
then the conjecture of Japanese archaeologists that the tumulus in which 
so much pottery was found is probably that of Toyo-ki-iri hiko, seems 
worthy of acceptance. On the west of Mahebashi, at the village of 
Uheno, there was formerly a sepulchral mound said to be that of Toyo- 
ki-iri hiko, and in Vol. I. of the Euwan-ko Dzu-setsu Mr. Ninagaha has 
figured a beautifully shaped vase found in it about the end of the 18th 
century. The ornamentation of this vase so closely resembles that of 

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the pottery dug up at Ohomuro, that it is impossible not to conclude 
that the two mounds were constructed about the same period by people 
of the same race. The burial place of Hiko-sa-shima, whose body was 
carried off by the inhabitants of this province, still remains to be dis- 
covered. The large number of sepulchral tumuli in this part of the 
province seems to indicate the site of a town of considerable size, and 
on the north of the village of Ohomuro in a commanding situation is a 
piece of ground, where it would not be unreasonable to suppose that 
the great man of the locality had a fortified residence. It is raised 
above the fields on the south, west and east sides, and surrounded 
entirely by what was once a moat. Even in those portions of the 
moat which have been converted into paddy-fields, the outer bank can still 
be traced with unbroken completeness. In adopting the view that these 
tumuli are really the burial places of the above-named heroes of antiquity, 
I do not at all mean to support the correctness of the Japanese dates, 
and the true age of the mounds must be determined by archaeologists 
who can give a well-based opinion as to the probable date of the pottery 
which they have been found to contain. • 

Frequent mention has been made of the ancient Japanese custom of 
burying human beings and horses at the tombs of chieftains, for which 
clay figures, such as those already described, were afterwards substituted. 
The most important passage is in the Ni-hon-gi, Book VI, in the Annals 
of Suwi-nin Ten-wan, which I think is worth translating as closely as 

" On the Ka no ye uma day of the 10th moon, the rising of which 
was on the Hi no ye tora day, 9 the Mikado's uterine younger brother, 
Yamato-hiko no Mikoto, died. On the At no to tori day of the 
11th moon, the rising of which was on the hi no ye saru day, 10 they 
buried Yamato-hiko no Mikoto on Tsuki-zaka 11 at Musa. On this 
they assembled those who had been in his immediate service, and 
buried them all upright round his sepulchre alive. For many days 
they died not, but day and night wept and cried. At last they 
died and rotted. Dogs and crows assembled and ate them. The 

9 I.e. the 5th day of the month. 

10 I.e. the second day. 
"tfrffiJI read ttuki. 

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set tip by the road-side for the entertainment of pilgrims to the temple, 
until it suffered so much from the tricks of mischievous village children, 
who amused themselves with throwing stones on to it, that the grand- 
father of the present owner rescued it from their hands, and placed it in 
safety. When first discovered it was a sitting figure complete as far as 
the knees, on which rested the hands. The arms are said to have been 
clothed in long narrow sleeves, but nothing more seems to be definitely 
known about the costume than can be seen from the accompanying fig. 
85. The height of the fragment is nearly 14 inches. Its material is a 
very hard black clay, and the only traces of moulding are the marks 
of some textile fabric on the brim of the hat, by means of which the 
required shape was given and maintained while the figure was drying. 
I shall not venture to make any comments upon the strange physiognomy 
of this bust ; it seems to speak sufficiently for itself. Fig. 86. presents 
a view of it from the side. 

A very curious fragment of pottery is shown in fig. 87, of dirty 
black clay, with the ornament already described as being produced by 
means of the knife and blunt points, applied in patches on the surface 
of the piece, round which are regularly formed curved depressions, made 
after the other pattern had been completed. It is reproduced in the 
figure undiminished in size, but is not large enough to afford any clue 
to the general shape of the vessel of which it must have formed a part. 
It is said to have been dug up in a field, the precise locality of which 
was unknown. 

Of so-called maga-tama none were found in either of the three 
tumuli opened in 1878, but Eohito possesses one of a whitish cornelian, 
with an unpolished surface, which he states was found in the tumulus 
from which the pottery was derived. 

Sepulchral mounds exist also at Kami Dakushi, 6 a village between 
Isezaki and Sakahi machi on the Mahebashi road, and some highly in- 
teresting pieces of ancient pottery obtained from them about sixty or 
seventy years ago are now in the possession of a doctor named Suzuki 
Eiyou-tai, who lives at Hodzumi, close by Kami Dakushi. These con- 
sist, 1st of a human figure in terra cotta (fig. 89), 18 inches high, 
with arms and hands complete, and wearing a round-crowned narrow- 

6 ±s± \ 

vol. vra. 42 

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brimmed hat. The nose has been knocked off, which deprives the face 
of its proper expression. The ware is exactly like that of the terra cotta 
posts already described, and has the same longitudinal brash-marks. 
Secondly, the head of a horse (fig. 40), also in terra cotta, with the 
longitudinal brush-marks, and a head-stall moulded on to it, ornamented 
with bosses and knobs. These knobs represent small hollow bronze 
spheres, with a small loose sphere inside, forming a kind of bell. One 
eye has been knocked out, the mane and forelock broken off, and one 
ear lopped short. The front length of the face is about 17 inches. 
From the appearance of the back, it seems most likely that the complete 
figure included the neck. Besides these two figures, there is a tube-post 
of terra cotta with the brush-marks, the top of which is broken, height 
19.16 inches, diameter 5.7 inches, the hole for the cross-bar being near 
the top (fig. 41). I was assured by the persons who exhibited these 
things to me that there are several tumuli at Kami Dakushi still un- 
touched, but I had no time to visit the locality. 

No inscription of any kind has been found at these mounds which 
would help in discovering the names of the persons buried in them, 
but local tradition appears to afford a clue to their identity. In the 
"Catalogue of Families," 7 there is abundant evidence to show 
that at a very early period an offshoot of the imperial family had 
received the eastern part of Japan for its appanage, and this house 
seems to have afterwards divided into two branches called Princes 
(kimi) of Kaudzuke and Shimotsuke, 8 from which sprang many other 
families. The first ancestor of them all was Toyo-ki-iri hiko, elder 
brother of the Iku-me-iri hiko, who afterwards became Mikado, and is 
known in history as Suwi-nin Ten-wau. A legend narrated in the 
Ni-hon-gi tells how their father loved both in such equal measure that 
he could not decide which of them to make his heir, and he resolved 
therefore to let each tell him a dream, from which he would obtain 
auguries to guide his choice. The two princes, having received his 


8 Or Kami-tsu-ke-nu and Shimo-tsu-ke-nu, as they were called when that 
" Catalogue " was compiled. 

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Hani-ski seems to have been the common word for potter in ancient 
times. In the Wa-miyau Sen (abt. 960) twelve villages in Kahachi, 
Idzumi, Kami-tsu-ke-nu, Shimo-tsu-ke-nu, Tanba, Inaba, Bi-zen, Aha 
(in Shi-koku), Chiku-zen and Chiku-go are mentioned which take 
their name Hani-shi, Heshi or Hashi from the potting industry. 

It does not appear that the practice of killing servants and horses 
at the grave of a prince, or great man, was completely done away with 
by the invention of clay images as a substitute. As late as the year 
646 (which is in the historical period) the reigning Mikado found it 
necessary to issue some sumptuary regulations with regard to funerals, 
and prohibit cruel and useless slaughter of this very kind. The passage 
is [extremely interesting, because it gives the dimensions of the vaults 
and of the mounds that might be raised over them in the case of all 
degrees of persons from grandsons of the Mikado and his high officers 
down to the common people. For instance, a prince might be buried in 
a vault 9 feet long and 5 feet wide within, covered by a mound 72 feet 
feet square and 40 feet high. A thousand labourers might be employed 
in the construction, and the work was to be completed in 7 days. The 
vault for a functionary of the highest rank was to be of the same 
dimensions, but the mound was to be only 56 feet square and 24 feet 
high, while only half the number of labourers was allowed. A prince 
was to be borne to the grave in a car ; a high functionary on the 
shoulders of bearers. The common people had to be buried in the 
ground on the day of their death, and no mound could be raised over 
the grave. Up to that time the dead had been buried just where the 
family found it most convenient, but it was now ordered that special 
cemeteries should be set apart for their reception. The decree proceeds 
to say : " Let there be complete cessation of all such ancient practices as 
strangling one's self to follow the dead, or strangling others to make them 
follow the dead, or of killing the dead man's horse, or burying treasures 
in the tomb for the dead man's sake, or cutting the hair, or stabbing the 
thigh, or wailing for the dead man's sake." And another copy of the 
edict contained the additional sentence : " Bury not gold, silver, brocade, 
diaper or any kind of variegated thing." 17 This passage may perhaps be 
of some use in determining a minimum age for the burial mounds of 
w Ni-hofi-gi, bk. xxv. 

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882 satow: ANCIENT sbpulghbal mounds in kaudzttke. 

Ohomuro and Ohoya, for as they are not constructed in conformity 
with the roles here laid down as to size and form, and contained, besides, 
gold and silver, and many articles that would be classed as " treasures," 
it may not unreasonably be inferred that they are older than 646, the date 
of the edict. And if local tradition should be right, they are much older 
than this period. 

There is an amusing little story in the Annals of Yuu-riyaku Ten- 
wau (bk. xiv. of the Ni-hon-gi), whose reign is placed between 457 and 
479 A. D., which illustrates the practice of burying clay images at these 
mounds. A certain man, riding near a tumulus, fell in with another 
mounted on a very swift horse of a red colour, which took his fancy 
immensely. Becoming desirous of obtaining the animal for himself, he 
started in pursuit, but could by no means overtake the stranger, who at 
length divining his wish, stopped short till he came up, and then offered 
to exchange. The cavalier of course accepted with great joy, and 
returning home put his new acquisition into the stable. On visiting it 
next morning, what was his astonishment to find the animal transformed 
into a clay figure, but going again to the spot where he had met with 
the adventure, he found his own steed among the clay horses of the 
tumulus, and, it is needless to say, lost no time in resuming possession 
of it. 

In concluding these notes I have great pleasure in acknowledging my 
obligations to Mr. Shinagaha, the Assistant Vice- Minister of the Interior, 
and to Mr. Oki Moritaka, cjiief secretary of the Gun-ba prefecture, for 
giving me every facility for visiting the mounds and having sketches 
made of their contents, as well as to Mr. Hasegaha Kiyomi, who accom- 
panied me from Mahebashi to Ohomuro, and to my excellent host the 
village elder, Mr. Negishi Zhifu-zhi-rau, in whose house the collection 
is kept. 

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Mikado, hearing the sound of their weeping and crying, felt saddened 
and pained in his heart. He commanded all his high officers, saying : 
• It is a very painful matter to force those whom one has loved daring 
life to follow him in death, and though it is an ancient custom, why 
follow it, if it be bad ? From now and henceforth, plan so as to stop 
causing [men] to follow the dead.' 

" In the autumn of the 32nd year, on the tsuchi no to u day u of 
the moon, which rose on the kino ye inu day, the empress Hi-ba-su 
hime no Mikoto (in another source called Hi-ba-su ne no Mikoto) died, 
and they were several days going to bury her. 13 The Mikado com- 
manded all his high officers, saying : * We knew before that the practice 
of following the dead is not good. In the case of the present burying, 
what shall be done?' Thereupon Nomi 14 no Sukune advanced and 
said : ' It is not good to bury living men standing at the sepulchre of a 
prince, and this cannot be handed down to posterity. I pray leave now 
to propose a convenient plan, and to lay this before the sovereign.* And 
he sent messengers to summon up a hundred of the clay- workers' tribe 
of the country of Idzumo, and he himself directed the men of the clay- 
workers' tribe in taking clay and forming shapes of men, horses and 
various things, and presented them to the Mikado, saying : * From now 
and henceforward let it be the law for posterity to exchange things of 
clay for living men, and set them up at sepulchres.' Thereupon the 
Mikado rejoiced, and commanded Nomi no Sukune, saying : ' Thy ex- 
pedient plan has truly pleased Our heart;' and the things of clay 
were for the first time set up at the tomb of Hi-ba-su hime no 
Mikoto. Wherefore these things were called hanitca (a circle of clay). 1 * 
Then he sent down an order, saying : ' From now and henceforward, 
be sure to set up these things of clay at sepulchres, and let not men be 

"I.e. the 6th of the month. 

"I.e. several days elapsed before the funeral. 

14 Some read this name Numi, bat Nomi is usual. 

u A gloss in the original runs : " Another name is Tate-mono" i.e. things set 
up. The Wa-miyau Sen (Bk. XIV, F. 210.) defines Hani-wa as " human figures 
made of day, placed upright like a cart wheel round the edge of a sepulchral mound." 

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Blab/ The Mikado bountifully praised Nomi no Sukune, bestowed on 
him a kneading-place, and appointed him to the charge of the clay- 
workers 1 tribe." 

In the year 781 fifteen members of the tribe presented a memorial 
recalling the great services of their ancestor Nomi no Sukune, in which 
they say: "In the reign of Suwinin Teii-wau, ancient customs still 
prevailed and funeral ceremonies were ill-regulated. Whenever a death 
occurred, it was the general custom to bury other persons along with 
the deceased. When the empress died and the mortuary hut was still 
in the courtyard, the emperor took counsel with his high officers, and 
asked them how the empress should be buried. The high officers replied 
that the ancient precedent of Yamato-hiko no Mikoto should be rigidly 
followed, whereupon your servants' ancestor Nomi no Sukune spoke out 
and said that, as far as his foolish opinion went, the custom of burying 
others with the deceased was contrary to the principles of humane 
government, which aimed at profiting the state and promoting the 
advantage of the people. He consequently brought some 800 clay- 
workers, and he himself directed them in taking clay and forming images 
of various things, which he presented to the Mikado. The Mikado 
greatly rejoiced, and had them substituted for the men who followed the 
deceased. They were called hard-vca, and also tate-mono (things set up) . * >u 
In the Ko-zhi-ki the notices of this custom are extremely brief, but 
they refer to the same two persons as those in the Ni-hoii-gi. Of 
Yamato-hiko it is simply said : " At the [funeral] time of this prince 
a fence of men was for the first time set up at a sepulchre." Taking 
this, together with the expression " ancient precedent of Yamato-hiko," 
used in the memorial of the clay- workers' tribe, Motowori's conclusion 
that, although the custom of burying servants in company with their 
dead master was of ancient date, the funeral of this prince was the 
first occasion on which such a large number were sacrificed, seems 
reasonable enough. 

The other reference in the Ko-zhi-ki tells us very little. It merely 
says: "Also at the [funeral] time of his chief consort, Hi-ba-su hime 
no Mikoto, they appointed the stone-coffin makers, and also appointed 
the clay-workers' tribe." 

uBhiyoku Ni-hoii-gi $ B jfc ft, bk. 89, f. 44v. 

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( 888 ) 


By Josiah Condeb, M. R. I. B. A. 

[Read May 11, 1880.] 


No apology is needed for bringing into notice the subject of the 
costume of the Japanese, and yet there are not a few reasons why a 
short explanation of its interest and importance might be advisable. 
With regard to the modes of dress worn by our own ancestors during 
the middle ages and succeeding periods, very little was actually known 
until comparatively recent years. The works of several authors giving 
us the results of their researches among old pictures and manuscripts, 
and the careful examination of ancient monuments have given us at length 
an authentic history of European costume. Up to that time the 
writings of historians and romancers, the historical paintings of artists, 
and more particularly the representations in our theatres, were full of 
ludicrous anachronisms in points of architecture, dress and equipment. 
It was not uncommon for Greek, Roman, or Mediaeval celebrities to be 
presented to the public in the scenes and clothing peculiar only to 
Elizabethan or Jacobean times. All must appreciate the importance 
of the drama as a portrayer of the events and characters of history, 
and in the exhibitions of dramatic art truth and correctness in matters 
of attire are of the highest importance. 

To the painter, historian, romancer and actor of Japanese incidents, 
an understanding of the subject of this paper may be considered as 

vol. vra. 43 

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884 condee: the histoby of Japanese costume. 

Farther, the costume of any country or any period of fashion has a 
more intimate connection with other points of interest, such as habit, 
climate, and even physique, than would at first sight appear to be the 
case. And an understanding of such necessary subordination is sufficient 
to account for the absurdities noticeable in a country changing its long 
established costume, or among foreigners resident in such a country 
when assuming a dress which they are unable to wear in other but a 
ludicrous manner. A great French archaeologist and artist has expressed 
himself on the subject in the following terms : l " With each important 
modification in dress the deportment of the wearers and the manner of 
holding the arms change. It is evident, for example, that very ample 
robes and long sleeves oblige one to hold the elbows to the body and to 
walk in a certain manner, so as not to entangle the legs in the folds, 
whereas on the other hand close fitting garments compel one to hold the 
arms at some distance from the body and to walk with the legs close. 
The belt tightened to the waist occasions the bending of the loins and a 
prominence of the chest. It results from this, that, observed from the 
distance of several centuries, or even of several decades, the people of 
one epoch appear to have among themselves certain points of resem- 
blance, Without going further back, for example, the women of the 
first Empire have an air of family likeness which one cannot fail to 
"notice in studying the best portraits of the period. It is the same in all 
periods of fashion. A cavalier or a lady of the time of Louis XEH. was 
not of the same type as was a cavalier or a lady under Frances I. 
These physical differences grow out of the fashions, or, to speak more 
correctly, out of the physical types which best ally themselves with each 
fashion and which, to a certain extent, impose their adoption and mode 
upon all. If it be the fashion to have short waists, the people who have 
long waists do all that is possible to correct this relative defect : though 
not having that grace in their movements which one finds in those 
naturally formed for the reigning mode, still by the study and imitation 
of that which is considered good they attain to some extent the result 
sought for. One might call this the physiology of costume. With 
regard to the habit of wearing long or short clothes, this again has on 
the physique a distinct and marked influence. It seems hardly necessary 

1 Pictionnaire du Mobilier Fran^ais, Violet le Due, 

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to insist upon the connection between raiment and physique, since we 
can any day see proofs of it. One can recognize the military man in 
civilian's dress by his gait and movements alone ; in the same way we 
can distinguish an ecclesiastic, and it is but few barristers who wear 
their robes in other than a ridiculous fashion. Not living habitually in 
his gown, which he dons in the courts, his movements and gestures are 
in entire disaccord with the dress that he pleads in. He hauls and 
shifts about the folds of his robe in such a manner as to give one the 
impression that he is labouring to escape from under a black cloth. 
How many actors fail to train their physique in accord with the costumes 
imposed upon them by their role t It is certain that Agamemnon had 
neither the gait, gestures nor fashion of behaviour of Charles V." 

A study of the costume of Japan, as it has existed with but slight 
changes through many centuries, will reveal a remarkable suitability 
to physical conditions as well as to climate and habits of life: it, 
however, naturally follows that changes in custom and habits should 
bring about changes in costume. To allude merely to one small point, 
the Japanese mode of sitting has in itself rendered comfortable and shewy 
certain styles of attire which would have been cumbersome, inconvenient 
and ugly, and therefore logically incorrect, if worn by people using chairs 
and couches. The reverse also holds good, and one can well understand 
how the modern yakunin is only too glad to doff his official clothes when 
lounging in the comfort of his own home. Perhaps there is no country 
in the world, unless it be China, in which such great importance has 
been attached to the minutin of dress as has been done in Japan. Not 
only the form and cut has been fixed according to station and rank, but 
rules of colour, pattern, fabric, and even such trivial matters as the 
plaits of a cord or the loops of a bow have been most strictly fixed. 
The inviolable restrictions of rank and of caste also, as in all countries 
during a state of feudal government, has rendered imperative distinctions 
in the clothing of the various classes of the people. It would have 
been impossible in Japan, as indeed it was in Europe during the middle 
ages, for servants to assume the left-off finery of their masters. Each 
class, as may even now be noticed in some parts of the Western con- 
tinent, had its distinctive style of costume. The broad distinctions, 
however, of king, courtier, soldier, priest, merchant and peasant have 

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886 oondbb: the history of jaj*nese costume. 

been in Japan so very comprehensive, including so many minor sub- 
divisions of rank and so many individual rights, that each a classification 
is alone insufficient when applied to the subject of modes of attire. It 
is only natural to suppose that during the many centuries of Japanese 
civilization there should have been considerable changes in the customs 
of clothing among the people ; and yet, on the contrary, from the time 
of the establishment of fixed ranks and rules of ceremonial founded 
upon those of Ohina, very few important modifications seem to have 
taken place. If we refer for comparison to the development of the 
modes of costume in European countries from the time of Charlemagne 
to the period of the Renaissance, an epoch which for gorgeous ceremonial 
and feudal vassalage, as well as for the ostentatiousness of ceremonial 
dress, may be well chosen as a parallel, we find that each century 
exhibited a great change, sometimes quite revolutionary, in the forms of 
costume from the highest to the lowest classes. It is probable, more- 
over, that changes in minor points of shape and of toilet took place at 
the same time with almost the same rapidity as is to be observed at the 
present day in our ever-changing fashions. Japan seems to have 
remained far more conservative ; and from the period to which reliable 
history takes us back, when a well established form of government and 
complicated ceremonial existed, up to the present day, there have been 
no revolutionary changes and very few minor modifications in the styles 
of dress. The minor changes referred to consist chiefly of rights con- 
ferred upon nobles and gentlemen to assume articles of dress or colours, 
materials or patterns in their clothing which had hitherto been confined 
in their use to their superiors ; also in more recent times there appears 
to have grown up a kind of laxity in the observance of ceremonial 
minutiae resulting in the use of forms of costume by those who originally 
had no right to assume them. 

Such conferments of Imperial favour and irregularities in following 
ancient ritual appear to have been the only way in which changes were 
produced. Certain books upon antiquarian subjects give descriptions and 
drawings of various articles and forms of dress which in later times have 
become obsolete. Such a book is the Kot-to-shu, and in this there are to 
be found explanations of several ancient forms in the popular clo thing as 
well as such matters as hair-dressing and toilet, which later fashions seem 

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oondeb: the kktcobv of Japanese costume- 88? 

to have changed. Sach modifications, however, appear to have been very 
Blow and insignificant. The Imperial decrees fixing the costume of 
the nobles and office bearers according to rank, naturally imposed no 
restrictions preventing fluctuations modifying the character of the clothing 
of the middle and lower classes. There were, however, and still are, 
among these classes other influences rendering such modifications few 
and far between. 

The seclusion of Japan had much to do with the conservatism q£ 
old established customs. The frequent changes in costume in other 
countries are mainly due to the intercourse with other nations and the 
tendency to imitate and adopt their example. 

Among those nations of the European continent which took the 
lead and set the fashion to the others, the adoption of new modes was 
in the main arbitrary or fanciful, but may in many cases be accounted 
for by the influence that literary revivals and studies from the ancients 
and from modern and foreign peoples had upon the public taste. 
Japan has, on the other hand, until recent years, held little intercourse 
with any country except China, a country perhaps more conservative 
and unchangeable in its tastes than Japan itself. It is not to be 
wondered at, then, that having fixed upon a costume fitted to its 
ceremonial and the demands of its climate and customs, the forms 
instituted should remain for many centuries uninfluenced by the fluctua- 
tion of changing fashions. The general shapes of the popular dress 
being established, there still remained plenty of room far variety and 
individuality in the variation of colours, patterns, and modes of arrange- 
ment, such as the bow of the old, the length of sleeves, and manner 
of hair-dressing. Within certain limits, however, such variations have 
been governed by social conventions seldom if ever violated. Each age 
in manhood and womanhood has its special distinction in colour and 
arrangement, which habit and the fear of public- ridicule prevents the 
most ambitious dandy or coquette from transgressing. As an instance 
of this it may be noted that every lady in Japan shews within a few 
years the period of her life in the respective arrangements and forms of 
her attire and her toilet. 

The subject of this paper necessarily divides itself into several 
parts. The civil, ecclesiastic, and military drew are each of them 

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distinct and require to be considered separately. The Shi-zoku or 
Samurai having been virtually always armed, their civil and military 
dress merge, and it will be sufficient to classify under the division of 
military costume, armour and such arms as were not carried in private 
life and used only in time of war. From the civilian's dress, whether it be 
that of the noble or the samurai in his official or private life, the sword 
is inseparable. Again, it is necessary to describe respectively the dresses 
of the two sexes in each class, as well as distinctions made in the attire 
of children. In considering the subject of the civilian costume of the 
Japanese, that of the nobles takes the first place, and under this head 
we shall treat of not only the ht-ge or nobles of Imperial blood, but also 
the Sho-guns, and Dai-miyds, who as far as certain ceremonial rights and 
styles of attire were concerned, were equal with the highest prince of the 
land. The term Kuwa-zoku might be used as including these different 
dignities under one nomenclature, but the term is a modern one and 
may be objected to by some scholars as being ill defined. 


The distinctive differences in attire among the nobles were fixed 
according to the rank. The different ranks were formally established in 
the reign of Kd-toku Ten-no, about the year 650 A.D., in correspon- 
dence with those of the Chinese Empire. 

They constitute in all nine ranks, some divided into two and others 
into four grades, making in all thirty different grades of rank. The first, 
Sho-ichi-i, was rarely bestowed upon nobles during life-time, but was 
often given as a posthumous rank to the deceased. Those not yet 
possessing rank were called Mu-i. There were other ranks of a higher 
class bestowed upon the Emperor's nearest relatives, including the heir 
to the throne, who were called Shin-no. These ranks were denoted by 
the terms Ip-pon Shin-no, Ni hon Shin-no ', Sam bon Shin-no, Shi hon 
Shin-no. Those among these royal princes upon whom rank was not 
yet bestowed were called Mu-hon. 

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condeb: the exbtobt of japambsb oostumb. 

This title of Shin-no was on some rare occasions bestowed npon the 
Sho-guns, who had no claim to royal blood, as a very special favour 
from the Emperor ; in many cases the Sho-gun received the highest 
rank of a noble that was possible during life, namely Ju-ichi-i. 

Japanese histories contain frequent references to the official titles of 
the dignitaries of the government and the offices or departments to which 
they belong. The ranks corresponding to these official titles varied at 
various periods and with the merits of the holder, but for the most part 
they may be taken as correctly represented in the Supplement to 
Klaproth's " Annales des Dairis." 

Again, in addition to the distinction of forms, colours, and patterns 
of clothing according to rank and to office, there were other regulations 
fixing the style of dress for particular occasions of ceremony. The chief 
of these ceremonial occasions were as follows : — 
Jo-i : Appointment of an heir to the throne. 
Go 8oku-i : Ceremony of accession. 
Dai-jo-ye : Large public ceremony of accession. 
Gem-buku: Arrival at manhood of Emperor or heir. 
Shi-ho-hai : Religious ceremony on the first day of the new year, on 

which occasion the Emperor visits the temple shrines within the 

On-ha-gatame : Congratulatory offering of rice cake to the Emperor. 
Sho-chd'hai : Ceremony at twilight on the first day of the new year, on 

which occasion the Dai-jin meet and feast with the Emperor. 

Cho-gu: Religious ceremony on the morning of the first day of the new 

year, on which occasion the Emperor, Dai-jin and Ku-ge meet the 

Emperor at the Dai-goku den. 
Sechi-ye : Visit to the Shi-shin-den and meeting and feasting with the 

court on the first day of the new year after the Sho-cho-hai, in the 

On Cho no Hajime : Ceremony on the fourth day of the new year in 

honour of the Imperial buildings. The court meets at the Nai-shi 

dokoro, wearing Kariginu, and two carpenters wearing suwo go 

through the ceremony of plaining wood. 

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840 oohdsb': the histoby of japakssh oostomb. 

Sm-shu Ban-zai ; Visit on the fifth day of the first month to the Sei-rio- 

den, where the Man-zai dance is performed before the Emperor. 
Nanakusa no ma : Ceremony on the 7th day of the 1st month, consisting 

in the offering to the Emperor of seven different pickled herbs 

significant of good health throughout the year. 
Haku-ba no Sechi-ye : Ceremony on the 7th day of the 1st month, on 

which occasion a white horse is conducted through the grounds in 

sight of the Emperor. 

Miyuki no Hajime : The first visit of the Emperor of the year outside 
the palace in which visits are paid to the palaces of the Imperial 

San-gi cho ; Ceremony on the fifteenth day of the 1st month, being the 
occasion of the burning of the first manuscript of the year written 
by the Emperor. The idea of this ceremony seems to be that the 
ashes of the burnt paper, ascending to heaven, may bring a blessing 
of skill upon the hand of the writer. 

Toka no Sechi-ye : Ceremony on the sixteenth day of the 1st month, with 

songs and feasting, this being the first day after the close of the 

New Year ceremonies. 
Dai-jin Tai-kiyo : Ceremony on the 11th day of the 1st month, on which 

day the Dai-jin are received and feasted by the Emperor at the 

Tsune go-ten. 
Nat-yen : Ceremony on the 21st and 22nd day of the first month, on 

which occasion the Imperial relatives are received by the Emperor 

at the palace and feasted. 
Rek-ken: Ceremony on the 7th day of the second month, on which 

occasion the Emperor, visiting the Dai-jo-kuwan, an examination 

and rewarding of those holding ranks below roku-i takes place. 
Kaeuga Mateuri : Religious festival in honour of the gods of the temple 

of Easuga, commencing on the first saru no hi of the 2nd month 

and lasting three days. 
8eki-ten : Ceremony in honour of the Confucian Sages, when their portrait 

pictures are exhibited, taking place on the first hinoto no hi of the 

2nd month. 

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coudsb: the history of Japanese costume. 841 

Ko-i : Ceremony of robing in summer clothes on the 1st day of the 
4th month. 

Kamo aoi Matsuri : Festival to the gods of Kamo, when sacred grass is 
worn in the hat, taking place on the second tori no hi of the fourth 

Hachi-man Jid-jd-ye : Religious festival to the gods of Hachi-man from 
the 18th to the 16th day of the 8th month. 

Wa-ka no On kuwai : Ceremony and feast to the Emperor offered by the 
princes and nobles on the 9th day of the 9th month. 

Shin-jo-ye : Harvest festival on the second U no hi of the 11th month. 

Toyo no akari no Sechi-ye: Ceremony on the day following the Shin-jo-ye, 
the eating of the first fruits by the Emperor. 

Go-setm no Mai : Festival on the first ushi no hi of the 11th month, 
with dancing and feasting. 


The garment called Ho is the principal robe or upper tunic which 
was worn as the ceremonial dress of the Emperor and nobles. It is of 
very ancient origin, having been made in the first instance of silk 
specially imported from China (about 800 A.D.) by female Chinese 
seamstresses who were hired and brought to Japan for the purpose. 
There are many different names given to this robe according to its 
colour, the pattern of the silk or differences in cut. The general name 
given to the principal shape used among the highest ranks is Hd-yeki Ho, 
It consists of a loose oblong body reaching some little way below the 
knees and having a border at the bottom about 8 inches deep, which 
widens at the two sides in such a way as to form two large flaps called 
" ran." It has deep loose sleeves about 2 feet long. The whole length, 
as would be supposed, varied with the wearer, but figured drawings 
give a length of 4 feet 8 inches as the most ordinary size. In the front 
the Ho was closed by folding over from left to right and was secured by 
a tight collar fastened by a silk cord. Behind, at the level of the waist, 
was formed a loose square flap or pocket to allow of a belt being -tied up 
vol. vm. 44 

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842 condeb: the history of Japanese costume, 

under it ; this was called the kaka-bukuro. The wearing of this robe, 
though originally granted as a special favour from the Emperor to a few, 
became eventually common to all classes of nobles, the different ranks 
being distinguished by the special colours, the quality of material, and 
the pattern of the ornament. Each rank, moreover, had the privilege of 
using one of two or three colours, according to the occasion. The 
Emperor's ceremonial Ho is said to have bcpn of a yellowish brown- 
coloured damask, with embroidery representing the kiri tree (fcawlonia 
imperialis), bamboo and kirin (a fictitious animal resembling the unicorn), 
the pattern being repeated twenty-four times. It was made very thin in 
the summer, but in the winter was rendered thick by lining. The colour 
for a Prince of the Blood (Shinnd) was yellow, or in some cases pale 
greenish blue (asagi). The colour for the highest class of Eu-ge, including 
also an Emperor dowager, was deep purple; the retired Emperor, 
however, sometimes wore a red Ho. The second and third classes wore 
light purple. The fourth class wore deep red. The fifth class wore light 
red. For the sixth class a dark green colour was appointed and an 
inferior material called " kinu " or common silk. The seventh class 
wore a Ho of the same material but of a light green colour, and the 8th 
class a deep blue colour (hana-iroj. The ninth or lowest class wore a 
Ho of silk or fine hemp cloth dyed of a light bjue colour. All nobles 
above and inclusive of the fourth rank were permitted to wear a black 
damask Ho instead of their coloured one. For ordinary occasions not 
ceremonial other colours ware fixed according to the rank : the first to 
the fifth class wearing red, the sixth class brighter red, the seventh class 
light purple grey (midori), the eighth class wore a bright blue and the 
9th or lowest class a light blue Ho. 


Another kind of Ho called the Ketteki Ho was often used. It 
differed from the Ho-yeki Ho in being slit on both sides from the sleeves 
downwards, having no bottom flaps. This robe somewhat resembled a 
garment called the hariginu, to be afterwards described. It was worn 
by the son of an Emperor and certain of the nobles ; and more seldom 
by the Emperor himself, The front half of the skirt of this robe was 

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Digitized by 






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condeb: the bistort o* Japanese costume. 848 

worn drawn up so as to fold over the belt at the middle, forming a flap 
loop at the waist and causing the front half of the skirt to appear shorter 
than the back. The Ketteki Ho was worn by the Emperor's military 
guards, called Dzui-jin. 


The Kasane or Shita-gasane was a loose tunic short in the front, 
slit up at the sides, having the hinder portion prolonged into a long 
train which trailed upon the ground. This robe was folded over in the 
front, leaving the throat open in the manner of an ordinary Japanese 
gown. The length of the train varied with the rank of the wearer, and 
was either allowed to trail behind when walking or was gathered up and 
held in one hand. The front of the Kasane y which hung down in two flaps, 
was turned up under a belt, or sometimes was made quite short. The 
train was eventually separated from the tunic to save trouble, being in 
one single piece, which could be tied on under the tunic or Kasane. It, 
however, always corresponded with the Kasane in material and colour. 
The skirt or train, when separate, was called the Kiyo or the Shita- 
gasane no Shita, and its length was according to rank. The Dai-jo 
Dai-jin wore a train 14 or 15 feet long, the Dai-na-gon's train was 12 
or 18 feet long, that of the Chiu-na-gon was 12 feet, that of the San-gi 
was 8 feet, and for the 4th rank the Kiyo was 7 feet. In old age it was 
made short, regardless of rank, being only about 4 feet long. The body 
of this garment, when separated from the skirt, was made quite short, 
only reaching to the waist, and the deep sleeves were partly slit up from 
below to give more freedom in the use of the arms. This shortened 
portion became known sometimes by the name of Hitoye. 

The material used for the Shita-gasane was silk damask, and the 
ordinary colour was white, with a woven pattern, and it was lined with the 
same material of a black or red colour. Green and light purple were less 
frequent colours, and were mostly used by youths. This garment was 
worn under the Ho or upper robe, by which it was mostly hidden, the 
Kiyo or train appearing below it behind, and the edge of the wide 
sleeves shewing below the sleeves of the upper robe. 

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The Akome was a short garment worn generally immediately be- 
low the Hitoye or Shita-gasane. It was sometimes worn instead of the 
Hitoye, immediately under the Ho or Hitatare, which will be afterwards 
described. The usual colour was white, bnt sometimes it was red. 
Youths generally wore an Akome of a light yellow colour. This garment 
seems to have been mostly worn in the winter and spring time, and was 
dispensed with in the hot weather, except during certain ceremonies, 
when its employment was imperative. 


Immediately under the Ho was often worn a short sleeveless 
garment called Happi, which was entirely hidden, but was .stiffly starched 
so as to cause the upper robe to bulge out and look very full. The use 
of this dress was confined to ranks above and inclusive of the fifth 
class. Young men often wore a red Happi with large sleeves. 


Below the above mentioned garments was worn a tunic or shirt 
called the Katabira, often going by the name of Ase tori (lit. sweat- 
absorber) when worn in the summer time. It was generally of a thin 
white material, having an edging of red silk at the sleeves and three 
distinct edgings of different colours at the collar to give the idea of 
three separate garments. The splendour of ceremonial clothing greatly 
consisted in the number and fullness of the robes, and trifling deceptions 
of this kind are often practiced to give to a single nnder-robe the 
appearance of several, by doubling it at the sleeves or collar, where 
it is alone visible. The triple-edged collar was white on the outside, 
black in the middle and red on the inside. In the summer for the sake 
of coolness the O Katabira was worn without the Hitoye, and being 
more exposed was red in colour and worn with Hakama, a kind of loose 
trowsers, — the two being of the same material. 

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oonder: thb histoby of japanbbe costumb« 845 


The upper tonic or Ho, as before observed, reached only a short 
distance below the knees, and the other garments were shorter still, 
excepting of course the tail or train of the Shita-ga$ane. Below these, 
to form an efficient covering for the legs, were worn a kind of loose 
browsers or skirt called Hakama, and of this garment there were several 


The ceremonial Hakama employed by the highest ranks on important 
occasions went by the name of Uye no Bahama or upper Hakama. 
The Uye no Bahama were a kind of straight wide trowsers, reaching 
to the ankles, being very full and gathered into plaits at the loins, where 
they were secured by wide bands of silk attached to the top. They were 
generally of white silk damask, figured with some pattern and lined 
with red silk, and were worn with the shirt or OKatabira. 


Under this garment was invariably worn a pair of plain red silk 
Hahama of the same shape, but a little longer, so as to show edgings 
of red silk just below the legs of the Uye no Bahama. These Hahama 
were always worn by the Emperor, princes and nobles at the most 
important ceremonies, and were often replaced on less important occasions 
by Hahama of a different kind called Nu-bahama. 


The Nu-hakama differed from the Uye no Bahama in being longer and 
fuller in the legs and threaded through at the bottom with silk tape, by 
means of which the bottoms could be drawn in tight over the ankles, 
causing them to hang in a loose baggy manner over the boots. The 
Nu-bakama, or Sashi-nuki, as they were sometimes called, were worn in 
times of hunting and amusement, being found more convenient. The 

Digitized by 


846 condeb: thb msTOBY of Japanese costume. 

colour, material and pattern varied with the rank and the age of the 
wearer, sometimes damask, sometimes common silk, and often commoner 
material still was used. The colour was commonly purple, a lighter- 
toned purple being used by the younger wearers. 


Below the Nu-bakama were worn the Shita-bakama or under trowsers, 
which were of the same shape and size as the former, with the difference 
of having no gathering cord at the bottom. When the Nu-bakama were 
worn the Shita-bakama was folded in by hand, whilst the cord of the 
Nu-bakama was fastened below it and it was thus perfectly hidden. In 
private life in-doors the Shita-bakama were sometimes worn alone 
without the Nu-bakama, and in this case they covered the feet and 
dragged behind, presenting a very awkward appearance and considerable 
difficulty in walking, but a form quite common among the Japanese and 
to be seen in the Naya-bakama or long trowsers of the samurai. In 
this case no socks or boots were worn. A drawing given represents 
the Emperor in his summer private dress, with red Shita-bakama* [See 
Fig. II.] The colour of this garment was invariably red. 


With the before-mentioned garments was always worn some kind 
of ceremonial head- covering. The use of the Kammuri, as this head 
covering was called, is said to have been fixed in the year 594, and was 
at this time bestowed upon certain nobles of the Emperor's court. At 
this time it was divided into twelve different class distinctions, and 
these varieties peculiar to particular ranks increased up to the number 
of forty-eight, until after the era of the Emperor Tem-mu (686 A.D.), 
when the old style and classification ceased. Again an imitation of the 
old style of hat with fewer distinctions was revived in the year 690, 
under the Empress Ji-to, when the ceremonial head-covering of the 
nobles became broadly divided into two kinds, according to the nature 
of material of which it was made, the distinguishing names being Atsu- 
bitai or thick crown and Usu-bitai or thin crown. These caps consisted 

Digitized by 


oondsb: the hxbtobt of Japanese costume. 847 

of a small round crown or scull cap, very shallow, with a raised hollow 
horn towards the back, somewhat like a beaver's tail in shape, into 
which passed the cue of the hair. In order to understand the logic of 
the Japanese Kammuri, it is necessary to know the mode of doing the 
hair, which consisted in shaving the front of the skull and drawing 
the rest of the hair back into a top-knot behind. This top-knot became 
a stiff hard cue, being rendered compact by oil, and was bound and bent 
back so as to stand vertically on the back of the head. The Kammuri 
shows distinctly its origin from a loose cloth drawn over the crown and 
folded round the cue, to which it was secured by a large ornamental 
pin (kanzashi), leaving two ends hanging down behind. This early 
form may be seen in old drawings. 

Within historic times, however, this covering became a stiff hat, 
formed of some starched or varnished material, still preserving as a 
part of its ornament two projections, one on each side of the cue holder, 
representing the hairpin, and used for the purpose of tying the hat to the 
head by means of a silk cord wound round them. The Usu-bitai or thin- 
crowned cap was of thin silk crape, having a orescent-shaped hole in 
the crown, lined with thinner white silk crape, probably for ventilation. 
The Atsu-bitai was made of a thicker starched or varnished material. 


To the back of the raised hollow horn of the Kammuri was fixed a 
double pennant called the Yei, of thin material. Originally this pennan^ 
was of paper, but latterly a kind of silk crape or gauze was employed. 
It was about a foot and a half long and two inches wide, and the method 
of wearing it differed. Only the Emperor could wear it standing straight 
up over the head, and even he wore it thus only on state occasions. 
The mode of wearing adopted by high rank Ku-ge, and the Emperor 
himself on semi-official occasions, was one in which the ribbon rose up 
a few inches vertically and then curved over behind, where it hung 
limp. Another method was to let it fall over as before and then curl it 
round at the back of the hat, threading it under the cord by means of 
which the hat was tied on to the head, and securing it further by a 
wooden peg. 

Digitized by 


848 conder: the history of Japanese costume. 

There were many different modes of curling the Yd, the distinctions 
being peculiar to different noble families and called after these families. 
Such forms were the Nakayama ke no Makiyei, Kitwajtiji ke no Malay ei, 
Niwata ke no Makiyei, Yabu, ke no Makiyei, Konoye ke no Makiyei, and 
Yamashina ke no Makiyei. In some cases the Yei was curled oyer 
in front of the horn of the Kammuri, and held in position by a cloth tied 
round the whole and falling loosely behind over the neck ; or else by a 
stiff piece of paper slit in the middle and passed over it. The first of 
these methods was called the Gosaku kammuri and the latter the 
Kin&huhigami kammwri. 

There is another method used by some of the higher ranks called 
Koshika-basami. Such head-covering as that just mentioned, as well as 
the Yeboski, which will be afterwards described, hardly held the place 
in Japan that hats do in Europe — as a shelter from the weather — for 
which purpose, indeed, they were insufficient on account of their small 
size and their material. 

They were worn as a part of the ceremonial dress both indoors and 
out of doors, and were not even removed in the royal presence. They 
are entirely distinct from the military hat or helmet, and from the kasa or 
rain and sun-shade, which was a very wide hat worn by farmers, coolies, 
or the poorer classes more exposed to the weather. The Emperor and 
nobles carried a fan for protection from the heat of the sun. 


Another kind of cap worn by the nobles on ordinary occasions not 
ceremonial was the Yeboshu There were many kinds of Yeboski, arranged 
according to the rank of the wearer and the importance of the occasions. 
This hat consists of a conical- shaped bag, somewhat like a brewer's 
cap, which was put on the head so as to cover the crown and contain 
also the raised cue of hair. Originally it was of limp material, and the 
top would then fall over on either side. This cap, made of oiled paper 
or stiff cloth, continued to be used by military men under the helmet, 
the edge being bound to the head by a cloth tightly tied round the fore- 
head at the bottom. When used, however, with civilian dress it became 
a stiff Phrygian-shaped cap, blackened with varnish, having different 

Digitized by 


.ootrcn : tbm bstobt or jai*nwb costume. 9*9 

varieties in shape denoting special ranks or imperial favours. It wae 
often worn set right back, so as to leave the front of the crown pi the 
head exposed, and hong over behind in a curious and rattier unsightly 
manner, being pinned to the hair cue and kept on the head by a purple 
silk cord wound over it and tied under the chin. The rounded top of 
the Yeboshi was bent a little forward and also turned down a little to the 
right or the left. The respective rights of the left bend and the right bend 
were confined to the two large rival families of nobles, the Gen-ji and 
the Hei-ke. The Migirmaye yeboahi, or the yeboM bent to the right, wae 
worn by nobles of the Hei-ke family ; and the Hidari-maye, or left-bent 
yeboshi, by the Gen-ji family. 


To complete the full ceremonial dress of the Emperor and nobles 
a long handsome girdle was worn round the waist and hanging down 
at the front, called the Hira~o. This girdle consisted of a separate 
broad portion some five inches wide, with a deep handsome fringe. 
This part, hanging down like an apron in the front, was suspended from 
the girdle proper, which was threaded through it and was bound round 
the waist, being also narrower than the front portion. To this belt the 
sword was attached. The Hira-o was of handsome embroidered silk, 
rendered thick and stiff. Hie ground-work was of purple, green, or 
dark blue, and the embroidery in bright colours represented birds, 
flowers, or some ornamental device suggestive of longevity or having 
some other congratulatory meaning. Among such congratulatory devices 
may be mentioned the bamboo, the pine and the crane. The hanging 
portion of the Hira-o sometimes consisted of two portions, one hanging 
down on the front and one on the left side, this difference being made 
according to rank. The Hira-o was only worn by those above and 
inclusive of the fifth rank. 


In certain ceremonies, such as the Seehi-yo and the Mi-yuki, the 
princes and nobles wore over the Hd a belt called the IM no obi. This 
vol. vm. 46 

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was a stiff belt of black leather, consisting of two halves connected by 
cords, the half which was towards the back being ornamented by a row 
of flat stones, about nine in number, tied on to the surface. Hie stones 
for the highest ranks were of green jade, and for the lower ranks they 
were simply some kind of soap-stone or marble. These ornamental 
stones were of a flat, square shape, some two inches in width, sometimes 
carved upon the outer surface, and tied to the belt by silk cords. The 
ends of the IM no obi were ornamented with metal clasps. There are 
many names given to this belt, according to the style of ornament 
or kind of stone used. When worn it was invisible towards the front, 
where it was covered by the waist of the Ho, but it was seen at the 
back, where the stones shewed. 


On similar ceremonial occasions was worn a peculiar hanging orna- 
ment called the Giyo-tai, resembling in form an oblong box which hung 
by a leather cord from the first or second stone on the right of the Ishi 
no obi. The word Giyo-tai is said to signify "fish bag," its original 
use being that of a bag or pouch, and the outer surface being invariably 
ornamented with representations of fish. The Giyo-tai was covered 
generally with shark skin, and the princes and nobles above the third 
rank wore one of a red colour with the fish of gold plates let in. Those 
of the ranks of SM-i and Go-i wore one having the metal fish of silver 
in place of gold. The cord by which it was hung was generally of 
leather, stained of a blue colour. 


As a covering to the feet was worn a kind of sock called ShUa-gutou 
or Bet$u 9 and over this shoes or boots. The Bettu were usually made 
of white silk, rendered stiff with lining, having soles of a thicker material. 
There was a kind, also sometimes used, which was made of rich- 
coloured and embroidered silk and worn on more important occasions. 
These Shita-guto reached a little above the ankle, and were split up in 
the front for the insertion of the foot and secured by a silk tape or cord 

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Digitized by vjjOOV LC 

- -t4 

Digitized by 


oondee: the history of Japanese costume. 851 

fastened to the top. Within doors these were worn alone without 
farther covering, but in the gardens and generally for out-door use over 
these was worn a kind of shoe called the Asa-gutou, meaning simply 
shallow boot. The Asa-gtUsu resembled in shape the present Chinese 
shoe, being rounded and slightly turned up at the toe. They were of 
a kind of hard papier mache, covered with black varnish or lacquer on 
the outside, with leather soles. Instead of the Asa-gutsu the Fuka-gutou 
or deep shoes were worn in rainy or snowy weather. These were in 
fact black leather or papier mache boots, very loose and large. 


A kind of superior sandal made of rush- work, resembling the common 
house-sandal called zori, was also occasionally worn in private life. 
This went by the name of Ota. 


The above mentioned articles of attire completed the ordinary 
ceremonial dress of the Emperor and nobles, with the addition of the 
indispensable sword and sceptre or fan. The word " sceptre " is here 
applied to a short staff called the Shaku, which was generally held 
vertically in the right hand. The Shaku was made of wood or of 
ivory, the use of ivory being confined to the highest ranks and the most 
important ceremonial. No noble below the fifth rank could use an ivory 
Shaku on any occasion. The wood used was from the yew tree, called 
ichi-i or kiyaraboku, being of a very white colour. 


The closing fan or Ogi was often carried instead of the Shaku. The 
land most used was constructed of thin flat wooden ribs, twenty-five in 
number, fastened with a metal rivet and threaded through near the top 
with silk strings, which had very long ends, sometimes woven together 
and fixed upon the outer scale in the pattern of a wistaria flower or 
some other device. Sometimes the ends hung loose in a loop. Such a 

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&d was made of Hi no ki (Chamaecyparis obtusa), and was then called 
Hi dgi ; but before the age of fifteen a fan of a commoner wood called sugi 
(Cryptomeria japonica) was carried, and this was painted on the out- 
side and ornamented with silk thread in five colours. The rivet head 
was often made ornamental, representing a butterfly or small bird in 
metal wort. This fan was generally carried closed, and held like 
the 8haku. 

In the summer time, in place of the wooden Ogi, was used a fan 
of thin wooden ribs covered with paper, and painted with some device 
front and back. The portion of the wooden ribs not covered with paper 
was lacquered or painted in some bright colour, and the outer exposed 
rib was carved. 


The Emperor, Princes and Nobles carried as a part of their state 
dress a large handsome sword hanging vertically from above the left 
hip, being fastened by a strong silk cord to the girdle or Hira-o. This 
weapon was about three and a half feet long, slightly curved in shape, 
with a long handle and a small hilt guard. The handle, hilt end and 
sheath were ornamented with engraved and gilt metal ornaments, and 
there were two metal rings on the sheath to which the hanging cord was 
attached. The word Ken was originally used to distinguish a straight 
double-bladed sword from the curved single-bladed weapon called Tachi, 
which was shorter than the Ken. The words came, however, to be 
indiscriminately applied to the slightly curved single-bladed sword carried 
by the nobles. The ornamentation of the sheath and the hilt ornaments 
varied with the rank and the ceremonial. Almost every important 
ceremony had its peculiar weapon, distinguished by the kind of lacquer 
with which its sheath was covered or the material and inlaying of the 
handle. The handle was sometimes of white shark skin, inlaid with 
knobs of crystal, jade or soap-stone, with a gold top, from- which hung 
cords of purple leather enriched with gold pendants or valuable stones. 
In some swords the handle was of engraved silver. The sheath was 
invariably lacquered, sometimes with gold lacquer, sometimes with 

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V . '! 


Digitized by 


oondbb: thb history of Japanese costume. 658 

lacquer of a doll purple colour. The lower ranks carried a plainer 
weapon, with a sheath of plain black lacquer. Bach a sword was also 
used by the higher classes in time of mourning. 


The sheath of the sword was encased often in an outer sheath or bag 
called the Shirizayu, made of the skin of the tiger or leopard, having the 
fur outwards. This was mostly carried only for out-door purposes, 
its chief use probably being to protect the handsomely ornamented sword- 
sheath from the rain. 

emperor's coronation robes. (Fig. 1.) 

Some form or other of the herebefore described articles of attire were 
worn by the Emperor, Princes, Ku-ge, and Dai-miyos as full dress for most 
of the state occasions, distinctions of rank being denoted by differences 
in colour, pattern and minor details. For some very high festivals, such 
for example as the Accessional Ceremony of the Emperor, called 
Da4-jd-ye 9 the dress of the Mikado and the high rank princes differed in 
some important particulars. The robes worn by the Emperor on the 
occasion of his formal accession were as follows : The outer robe or 
tunic differed from the ordinary Ho in form, gradually widening out 
towards the skirts and folding over in front with a loose open collar and 
very full sleeves, not of the simple oblong shape, but curved at the 
bottom and very large. This robe, which was called the Kon-riyo no tot 
6 8ode, was of red damask, embroidered in gold and bright colours, with 
representations of the heavenly constellations, dragons, sacred birds, 
flame-shaped emblems and mountain peaks. The collar and sleeves 
were bordered with a wide band of dark blue. The body of the tunic 
was not shewn below the waist in front, being turned up under the 
girdle, from below which hung a kind of fall apron piece or skirt called 
Mo. This Mo was also red, being gathered into large plaits, each plait 
having embroidered upon it four emblematic symbols consisting of two 
wreaths, an axe-head and a fret pattern. This was furnished with silk 
bands at the top for tying' round the waist. With these garments word 

Digitized by 


854 oondee: the hmtoby of Japanese costume. 

worn the usual white silk Uye-no-bdkama, Shitagutm and A»aguUu 9 
Underneath the Kon-riyo no i was worn a similar garment, somewhat 
smaller in size, made of wadded silk, probably to give the upper robe a 
fuller, richer appearance. This having smaller sleeves than the sode 
went by the name of the Ko-sode. On such occasions, instead of the 
ordinary Kammuri, the Emperor wore a head-covering bearing some 
slight resemblance to a crown, inasmuch as it was mostly of metal, 
enriched with gold and precious stones. This was called the Qiyok-kmcan. 
It consisted of a cylindrical-shaped crown of thin gilt copper, engraved 
and pierced, with a flat oversaving square top, formed of a metal border, 
with thin silk crape stretched across. From the edge of this broad 
tray-shaped top hung jewelled strings on all sides, forming a continuous 
fringe ; and above it was a row of vertical metal wires topped with 
precious stones. In the centre of the front portion was a raised point 
carrying a metal disc with rays, representing the sun in glory. This 
curious crown, if it may be so called, merely rested on the top of the 
head, and was kept in position by silk cords tied under the chin. Inside 
was the ordinary bag-shaped cap or kammuri to hold the cue of the hair. 
This head-covering, which was worn at the ceremony of accession, 
formed merely part of the attire, and there was no coronation ceremony 
attached to the use of it. The two highest ranks of Imperial princes, 
called Ip-pon Shin-no and Ni-Jwn Shin-no, also wore coronets of a some- 
what similar kind. An example of one of these may be seen in the 
Tokiyo Haku-butsu-kuwan. Bound the waist the Emperor wore a 
handsome girdle somewhat similar to the Hira-o, but differing in 
having the portion which hung down in front wider and of Chinese 
damask, with Chinese paintings upon it. This girdle was called the 


In addition to this hung from the belt on both sides long jewelled 
strings, with metal plates, reaching to the ankles. These pendants, 
which went by the name of Oiyoku hai f consisted of five beaded strings 
of different coloured stones, united four times in their length by flat 
rounded copper gilt plates. The Emperor, who during the ceremony was 

Digitized by 


condeb: the history of Japanese costume. 855 

seated upon a kind of throne and wore no sword, carried the Qiyoku- 
hai double, one hanging on each side. The princes, who stood, carried 
none on the sword side, with the wearing of which it would interfere. 
The ivory Shaku was held in the right hand. 


A Prince of the Blood Royal of the first rank wore, on a like occasion, 
robes somewhat similar in character to those of the Emperor. The 
sode, however, was not hidden below the waist, but hung down over the 
Mo, and thus resembled in appearance that of the Ho, with the exception 
that the sleeves were fuller, the collar was different, and the flaps (called 
" ran ") at the bottom of the skirts did not exist. The colour of the 
O sode worn by Ip-pon Shin-no was dark purple. The Mo was of blue, 
and only the bottom edge was seen hanging below the sode. The 
Oiyoku-hai and the Hira-o were also worn, and also a metal ooronet or 
metal-cased cap, somewhat similar to the Giyok-kuwan of the Emperor. 
This was in met the ordinary Kammuri of silk crape, having, however, 
a treble or quadruple bag for the hair instead of the single one, set 
inside a crown-shaped diadem of embossed and pierced metal, the back 
portion of which was further extended into a raised fan-shaped cusping 
of open metal wires, all gilt and inlaid in several places with jewels. 
An example of a diadem of this kind may be seen at the Tokiyo Haku- 
butsu-kuwan. This ivory Shaku and ornamental sword called kazari- 
dachi was carried. The Ni-hon Shin-no or Prince Royal of the 2nd 
rank was robed in a similar manner, the chief difference being in the 
colour of the sode, which was green instead of purple. 


Among the many Imperial festivals and ceremonies of the court, 
each demanding some distinctive difference in costume, were the Shin-to 
festivals attended by the Emperor. In time of Shin-to prayer or 
festival a dress called the Omi was worn over the Ho. The Onri was 
of several kinds, generally being of white cotton, with some pattern 

Digitized by 


866 condbb: thb histoby of jafanbsb oosttoou 

embroidered in line upon it in bine or green colour. The Omi was 
sometimes long, ending in a skirt and flaps, and having a tight collar 
and bag behind like the Ho; it was then called Hoyekt-omi. Another 
kind was similar to the Shita-gaume, being split up at the sides, and 
longer behind than in front ; this was called the Shi-omi. A third shape 
went by the name of Sho$hi-omi, on account of it being worn by Shoshi 
or lower rank nobles. The Shdshi-omi had sleeves considerably shorter 
than those of the Ho, which shewed below them, and was short in the 
body, folded over in front and turned up under the belt, having a loose 
collar. .Over the right shoulder of each kind of Omi were sewn two 
braided bands called Aka-himo. These were 2 or 8 feet long, hanging 
down loose behind, one being red and the other black. 


When this robe was worn the Kammuri was also ornamented 
in a manner peculiar to religious festivals. A metal prong, in imita- 
tion of a sprig of plum-blossom, and called the Kokoroba, was fixed 
in the crown of the hat; and from the sides hung down over the ears, as 
low as the breast, two looped and tasselled green cords called Hikage no 
katsura, from their resemblance to a moss of that name, from which the 
ornament was originally derived. The Ku-ge wore the Kokoroba and 
Hikage no kattwra upon the ordinary Kammuri ; the Emperor, however, 
wore a Kamnvwri of white silk on such occasions. The Kammuri was 
tied on to the head with white cord. The black Ho and white Kiyo 
and Hakama were worn with the Omi. 


The thick wide robes hitherto described, which were worn with 
certain variations of detail and ornament on ceremonial or semi-official 
occasions, were naturally very ponderous. On the occasion of sports 
or exercises, in which the princes and nobles sometimes engaged, certain 
modifications in costume were found advisable. The chief difference in 
dress was in the use of a robe called the Kari-ginu or Hunting-robe, to 
replace the Hd, This dress also went by the name of Hoi. The 

Digitized by 



material was thinner and the sleeves somewhat shorter than those of the 
Ho x the general shape resembling the Ketteki Ho. The Hoi was split 
up at the sides, and the sleeves were also slit at the shoulder so as to 
be almost detached from the body, except a small portion in front below 
the armpits. This greatly facilitated the use of the arms in shooting 
with the bow or other bodily exercises. The bottom edges of the sleeves 
were threaded through with silk cords, so that they could be drawn up 
tightly over the wrists and leave the hands free. The bottom of the 
body, also, had sometimes silk bands attached for tying to the waist; 
The usual mode of wearing the Kari-ginu was to draw it up under the 
waistband, leaving a short apron-shaped piece hanging down in front ; . 
behind, the skirt hung lower. The whole thus worn presented the 
appearance of a short Shita-gasane, with the peculiarity of two open 
spaces at the top and back of the sleeves, shewing distinctly a part of 
the dress worn below. With this robe the Sashi-nuki or Nu-bakama 
and Yeboshi were always worn. The colour varied with the rank. 
Old men wore a white silk Hoi, and the Imperial coolies, such as carried 
the Emperor's car and impedimenta, wore a white cotton Hoi with short 
Nu-bakama, leaving the legs bare below the knees. Even the Ku-ge in 
Buch a hunting dress wore no boots or socks, but simply sandals on the 
bare feet. 


Under the Kari-ginu was sometimes worn a short tunic called the 
Kinu, resembling in most respects the Kari-ginu. 


Attached to the Imperial suite were a number of men, also of noble 
blood but inferior rank, who went by the name of Dzuirjin. These men 
were in fact the household troops or body-guard of the Emperor* Their 
duty was to guard the various gates of the palace, and to form an 
important factor in Imperial progresses, and they were supposed to -act 
as warriors only in the case of the court being attacked. The drees of 
the Dzui-jin was different from that of the other nobles, being iafaot a 
vol. vm. 46 

Digitized by 


888 atarifttt: tB» ttfiMfotf? 01* ftffeinM oOfffttfiV 

cemHnaiaen of court eostutte with flriliftary clothing and equipment. 
They wore the IfrrfteAt Hd and the Nu-bakama. Over this #5 was worn 
generally a kind of sleeveless shirt of mail or jazerine jacket, protecting 
the back and btfeast, passing under a belt at the waist and hanging some 
few inched short of the bottom of the Ho. This went by the name of 
the UdM-kake-yoroi. These shirts of mail seem to have been of varion* 
kind*, some being merely handsomely emblazoned eurooats of thick 
woven fabric 6t leather, but usually made of small strips or scales of 
iron, gilt, and lined with Stiff material. The edges were bound with 
handsome stlk borders. Round the waist was worn the Hira-o, from 
which the sword was hong. The sword, the bow, and quiver foil Of 
arrows completed the weapons of equipment;. 


Under the Ketteki Ho was worn a sleeveless tunic called the Kuro- 
happi. This garment was only visible at the bottom sides, where the 
divided skirt of the Ho opened and revealed the peculiarly plaited edge 
of the Happi over the hips. The distinctive character of the Kuro-hsppi 
was that it had very short sleeves, and reached down to about the 
middle of the body. The sides from the shoulder downward were split 
up with the exception of a few inches at the bottom, where the front 
and back were united by a projecting triangular flap sewn in narrow 


The Dzui-jin wore the ordinary black Kammuri as a head-covering, 
with the addition of two fen-shaped cockades at the side just above the 
Cfetfcr projecting forward so as to fbrm a kind of blinker* In laot the 
use of them Oirkake, ae they were called, seems to have been akin to 
the employment of blinkers to horses, namely, to reader ft impossible 
flnr the wearer to see oft either side, and to add to the AZgftity of 
Appertain* by preserving & steady ereetness of the bead. The Qi-kak* 
waemadeef thin horsehair threads, arranged in * fen shape. The 

Digitized by 


COHMB: ARE JBUttOfiff OP j1A«1NB«E flMCmtE. 

pennant worn at the back of *he hat was curled round and threaded nndar 
behind. The lower rank Dzui-jin wore, instead of the broad black orape 
ribbon, what was called the Roro-yd, being a thin ribbon or cord tied 
in a curled bundle behind. 


The boots worn by the Dzui-jin were different from those of the 
other nobles. The military boot went by the name of kmm. It consisted 
of a black leather bottom with pointed toes, having. a top portion of red 
silk brocade covering the ankles. The uppers were slit in front and 
behind to allow the insertion of the foot, and were bound round -with a 
leather cord and metal ring. 


Of the quiver which was worn at the back there were two kinds, 
called respectively Hira-yanagui and the Tsubo-yanaguu Of these the 
Hira-yanagid was that worn by the highest rank during the most 
important ceremonies, for being wide and shallow it allowed the arrows 
to be spread out in a fan-shape behind the back. The Hvra-ymagui 
was merely a shallow tray or open box of lacquered wood, fitted at the 
mouth with stiff folds of ornamental silk in order to keep the arrows in 
place without preventing them being drawn on occasion. Attached 
behind was a sort of metal handle or wire, with silk cord attached, by 
means of which it was hung over the shoulder. The arrows displayed 
in this shallow quiver had feathers of various colours, presenting a very 
gay appearance, and were visible from the front in a rainbow form over 
the shoulders. The quiver held 12 arrows. The arrow ends were 
tippped with ivory. 


The Tmbo*y ana^td. or vase*shaped quiver was,«on.the other hapd, 
.a narrow, deep receptacle of p&pier mache or leather, lacquered black, 
and pierced witba craped opening, light aqd revealing the 

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oondeb: the histoby of Japanese costume. 

sticks of the arrows. Only the feather-heads shewed above, and these 
were of eagles 1 feathers uncoloured. This quiver was worn on the back, 
sloping down from the right to the left shoulder in such a way that in 
front view the top of the quiver and the aftrows were seen over the 
right shoulder. 


The bow was about five feet long when strung, being of a double 
ogee curve, and it was called the Shigedo. It was generally black 
lacquered, and bound every alternate three inches with white cord, 
presenting an appearance of alternating black and white. 

Among the Dzui-jin there were also distinctive ranks, and also distinc- 
tions in the robes worn ordinarily, and on state occasions. The chief 
distinction was in the colour of the Kettehi Ho, which was generally either 
red or black, black denoting higher rank than red. Also the Kammuri 
or head-covering differed in its general form or in the shape of the ribbon 
or pennant called the Yet. The highest rank Dzui-jin wore on occasions 
of high ceremonial a very curious head-covering, consisting of a Kam- 
muri with treble horn for the hair, surrounded by a sort of gilt metal 
crown with a square cage around it of thin black silk crape, having two 
long side pieces reaching nearly to the shoulders. This silk cage was 
rendered stiff by wire borders. At the top front corners were two 
large projecting eagle's feathers. [Fig. IV.] 

As has been before observed, the dress of the young differs consider- 
ably from the style assumed on reaching manhood. On the occasion 
of the arrival at the age of fifteen the forelock was shaved, the mode of 
•hair-dressing became changed, and the Kammuri was first worn by the 
princes and nobles. The young prince or noble, before attaining his 
fifteenth year, generally wore the hair drawn back from the forehead, 
and tied with flat silk eord in a double-looped ring at the back of the 
head. He wore a red satin or brocade dress, hidden below the waist 
by Sashmuhi or Nubakama, of a purple colour, and tied round the top 
by a white silk band. The sleeves of the robe, or Kosods as it was 
called, were long and narrow, being split up at their junction with the 
body of the garment, and sewed up at the front in a bag-like form. 

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ookdsb: the history of Japanese costume. 


Kutsu-shita and Asagutsu were worn similar to those of the more 
mature. The Kammuri or ceremonial head-covering was not worn 
until arriving at fall age. A short ornamental sword was carried 
horizontally at the helt. 


The female costume of the court differs considerably from that 
of the ladies among the gentry and middle classes. From an rosthetio 
point of view it cannot be said to rank higher, though in richness and 
display it far excels the dress familiar to most of us as the ordinary 
clothing of Japanese ladies. The dress of the court is fuller and wider, 
and not being confined at the waist but spreading out to a considerable 
breadth, renders still shorter in appearance the tiny stature of its wearers. 
The hair toilet too is entirely different from the ordinary. As with the 
male costume so with the female, the colours, devices and in some cases 
the shapes of the dresses vary according to the rank of the wearer. 
The following is a list in order of precedence of the titles or ranks given 
to the Imperial ladies and their court. 

Tai-ko Tai-kd-gii 












































KitanoMcmdokoro j&j%tJ% 





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ins history or jabinsbe cobtdmb. 

The third rank on the list, namely thai of Ko-go-gu> is the title of 
the Empress consort, known popularly as the Go Kogotama. The two 
preceding titles are reserved for the mother and grandmother of the 

The court ladies have titles of office as well as their titles of 


The principal npper robe worn by the Empress on ceremonial 
occasions goes by the name of Oo-i or Itsutsu-ginu, meaning a robe of Ave 
thicknesses. This is a handsome garment of embroidered silk damask, 
made in five thicknesses at the edges of the sleeves and skirt, so as to 
give the appearance of a great number of robes one over the other. In 
the case of the sleeves the lower edging is the longest, each of the re- 
mainder setting back a little towards the outer or top, which is the sleeve 
proper. The colour of this robe differs in the various seasons and on various 
ceremonial occasions. The extra edgings are of varying colours differ- 
ent from that of the robe itself. The robe is long and hangs quite loose, 
is unconfined at the waist, being doubled over at the collar but opening 
below wider and wider towards the bottom, revealing the front of the 
red Hakama. The shape of the Go-i is oblong, with large, oblong sleeves 
and open collar. The front edges of the skirt, however, unlike the 
ordinary female gown, have a curious jagged cut in them, giving, when 
folded over, a zigzag appearance to the edge- of the robe. 


Over this is worn another garment of similar shape but of rather 
smaller size, which, following the outline of the Go-i 9 leaves about four 
inches iot its edging exposed to view. This outer robe is called the 
Uwagi, that of the Empress being generally of purple silk It has the 
same notched edge, and in ^ very respect fojlofts the shape of the GW, 
with the exception of being a little smaller. 

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oowuxb : tm* HnsoB¥ or jinsBflE cogEan* 86S 


Over this is worn a very short tunic, called the Kara-ginu, which 
scarcely reaches to the waist. The sleeves are also short, and reach about 
to the elbow, those of the Go-i shewing below. The Kara-ginu is made 
of much-prized Chinese silk of some bright colour ; it hangs loosely 
over the shoulders, and is neither fastened at the collar nor waist* 


In speaking of the ceremonial robes of the Emperor and princes, 
an apron-shaped garment called Mo has already been described. The 
ladies of the court also wear a similar garment, but it is worn behind 
over the Go-i instead of in front. The Mo may be described as a peculiar 
apron-shaped piece of silk damask, with a broad band at the top, from 
which it broadens down to the bottom in narrow plaits. To the top band 
are attached two double bands somewhat narrower. Two of these hang 
down on each side to the length of 10 feet, and trail along the ground. 
The other two, passing over the shoulders from behind, are tied in a 
bow in front, the two ends hanging nearly to the knees, and form the 
means of fastening the Mo t which otherwise hangs quite loosely over 
the dress. The Mo is of white silk damask, embroidered with some 
handsome device in colour. The Empress generally carries as a device 
the Pawlonia Imperialis or the Ho-o bird or Chinese phoenix, or some 
other Imperial emblem. 


Below the Go-i are worn two other robes, or sometimes more. 
The first of these generally goes by the name of Hitoye, being a robe 
similar m shape to the Go-i 9 but of one single thickness, as its name 
implies. All the under-garments of the female costume are long, while 
most of those worn by the males are short, and the word Hitoye applies 
both to the male and female uader-garment, though they differ in 
length. The edgings of the sleeves and the skirts of the Hitoye are also 
arranged to shew beyond the upper robes, and by this means, an 
appearance of great richness is obtained, for the idea of pomp and 

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864 oondsb: the hktobt of Japanese costume. 

display in Japanese costume is inseparable from a suggestion of quantity 
as well as quality in the robes. A lady of high rank thus appears, 
when seated, to be enveloped or smothered in clothes. 


Below the Hitoye is still another robe called the Shitagi no Kosode, 
which is a white under-dress or shirt, shewing only at the throat in the 
form of a white collar, the sleeves being short and the short skirts 
inserted in the mouth of the Hakama, which reach from below the 
breast to the feet. The Hakama or browsers which are worn are 
invariably of a red colour, and generally go by the name of Hiki-bakama 
or Uchi-bakama. 


The Uchi-bakama resemble in every respect the Shita-bakama worn 
by the men. They are very long, forming bags to the feet trailing to 
some distance behind. They are fastened somewhat higher up, rather 
above the waist, and with them is generally worn, in addition to the 
white Kosode, a red silk dress called Uchi-kinu, to match the Hakama, 
the upper part only shewing, the rest being inserted in the mouth of the 


The Obi or belt, which forms so important a feature of the ordinary 
popular costume, is in the court costume a comparatively narrow and 
insignificant piece of apparel. It goes by the name of Kake OH, and is 
about five inches wide and eight or ten feet long, being wound round 
the waist above the Hakama. The Kake Obi is sometimes of red silk, 
resembling the Hakama, but that worn by the Empress is generally of 
white damask, embroidered with flowers or birds. 


In all time and in all parts of the world the arrangement of the 
hair has played a most important part in the adornment of women. In 

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cohdeb: the histobt of Japanese costume. 865 

Japan the art of hair-dressing has attained a completeness which for 
complication and variety of arrangement will compete with that of any 
country. Most of the modes of hair-dressing are dependent upon the 
use of a certain amount of false hair and padding, and copious employ- 
ment of oil to give stillness to the shape. The fastidious may he 
reminded that neither one nor the other are quite unfamiliar to ourselves 
or our ancestors. The fact that the use of false hair, cosmetics and other 
necessary and legitimate aids to the art of adornment is carried on 
sub rosa with a kind of mauvaise honte in Europe, does not do away with 
the truth that nine ladies out of every ten find such aids essential, and 
employ them more or less. It is a matter of history that in the 
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when the ladies of the European 
courts wore enormous horn and heart-shaped head dresses, these 
elaborate constructions were so richly anointed and so long unchanged 
that they often became living nests before they were taken to pieces. 
The ordinary head-dress of the Japanese is cleaned and remade once in 
two or three days, and the more complicated and rigid constructions of 
the court ladies once in every seven days. This of course allows for 
retouching and reinstating during the intervals of remaking. The head- 
dress of the Empress and Imperial concubines is entirely different from 
the ordinary ladies' head-gear. The hair is drawn well back from the 
forehead and brows, and spread over an arched cane coring into a broad 
flat disc-shape behind, ending below in a long hanging tail some seven 
feet long, the natural hair being lengthened by the addition of false 
hair in its length. 


The point at which the mass of hair is gathered in, when the tail 
commences, is bound with a handsome silk band, called the Yemotoyui, 
knotted into some fanciful shape. From this point the hanging hair is 
bound for some distance at intervals of every five inches with red and 
white paper cords called Motoyui, the extreme end being allowed to 
fray out over the Mo. Sometimes there are two shorter tails of hair, 
one on each side of the long principal tress, hanging down about one 
foot long, and some of the under hair is brought forward to the front in 
such a way as to shew as a fringe in front below. 

vol. vm. 47 

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The whole style of head-gear goes by the name of the SuberakaM. 
On the crown of the head a portion of the hair is raised into a round 
crest, in front of which is fixed a carious metal ornament tied to it by 
silk cord and fastened by hairpins. This ornament consists of a round 
disc of metal, with three radiating horns of gold, forming a sort of 
diadem just over the forehead. The long ornamental hairpins (kmzaMj 
worn by the middle classes and the comb are not used with this mode Of 
hair dress. During high ceremonies a similar head-gear is worn by the 
other ladies of the court, and even the Imperial female servants have 
their hair dressed in a somewhat similar manner, the chief difference 
being the absence of the diadem, and the comparative shortness of the 
hanging tress. For less ceremonial occasions the hanging tress is wound 
round at the back of the bead and looped round a large tortoise- shell pin 
used for the purpose. In many pictures the hair of the court ladies 
will be observed hanging, apparently loosely and without padding, from 
a oentre parting over the back. The hair is in this case tied behind 
into a hanging tress or tail, but the arched internal coring and the oil 
which gives to the more ceremonial head-gear its rigidity is in these 
cases omitted. Such a mode is worn upon unceremonial occasions, or by 
the female servants of the court. In place of the Skaku, which is held 
by the men, the ladies of the court hold in the right hand a handsome 
pit and painted wooden fan called Hi-ogi or Yokotne Ogi. These fans 
are made of broad thin scales of white wood, painted and gilt, and 
adorned with handsome silk rosettes and tassels. 

The garments thus far described are such as are worn by the 
Empress, princesses, and court ladies of highest rank. The ladies in 
waiting are classified according to different offices and duties, such as 
personal waiting attendants, ladies of the wardrobe, departments of 
needlework, arms, food, wine, etc. The younger waiting maids of in- 
ferior rank wear no Mo or Hakama, and in place of the large- sleeved 
Oo-i and Uwagi, the Kosode of red colour is worn as a loose robe hanging 
to the ground fastened by an Obi, and over all is worn a loose robe with 
long sleeves split up at the back, but sewn up in a bag-like form in 
front, leaving an opening of some inches for the hands. This large loose 

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OOKOTt : TO HrttOBT OF JlMftMB OOflrTOUB. 887 

robe, called the Uchukake, is not fastened at the collar, bat hangs loosely 
oyer the shoulders trailing behind. The Obi is broad, of a green colour, 
and fastened in a handsome bow behind, the whole costume, with the 
exception of the hair, — which hangs down loosely behind, — much re- 
sembling the ordinary costume of the ladies of the country. Under the 
red Uchi-kinu is worn the white Hitoys, the edge of which shews at the 
skirt and at the collar and sleeves. The Uchi-kake, worn as it is over 
the Obi, has an appearance of prominence behind, where it covers the 
bow of the sash, such as a few years ago the ladies of some European 
countries attained by other means. The Uchi-kake may be observed in 
many pictures of the noblewomen of the country, and is frequently to 
be observed in the theatres. It takes the place of the common Haori 
worn by the Bu-ks and middle classes, being a ceremonial robe worn 
over the ordinary robe and Obi. It is sometimes very handsomely 
embroidered with flowers or large devices, and is worn, like the Haori, 
loosely over the shoulders or fastened by a loose cord, leaving the breast 
uncovered by it. The lower classes of Imperial female servants are 
dressed in a simple white robe with a wide green sash. 


On the occasion of out-door excursions on the part of the court 
ladies for the purpose of country amusements or visiting temples* 
very often an over-robe called the Katsugi is worn in the autumn 
months. This is a large loose robe, having the upper portion lengthened 
to form a hood, which is worn loosely over the head and body without 
fastening, forming a kind of loose cloak with large sleeves reaching to 
the heels. 

The modes of attire of the younger daughters of the nobles, 
in fact of all ladies among the noblemen's families who were not 
present at the court, differed little from the dress of the ladies of the 
shi-zoku and middle classes. The chief differences were in the modes 
of tying the Obi and the style of the hair. These distinctions will 
\e referred to when considering the subject of the popular costume of 
the country. 

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868 oondbr: tbb hibtoby of japanbhb costume. 


Sho-zoku Dzu-shiki g? Jfc ■ j£ 

Sho-zoku Shu-yo-sho 3£ 5fc II 1c # 

Shoku-mon Dzu-ye ft 3t I # 

Sho-zoku Shoku-mon f| |£ fft 3t 

Kotto-shu # i & 

Niyo-kuwan Sho-zoku Dzu-shiki & If *£ ^ ■ S 

Puku-shoku-dzu-kai Jjft tfc ■ ffc 

I-mon Sho-zoku-sho # jR f£ IK # 

Zoku Sho-zoku Dzu-sho 8§^I9 

Miyako Fu-zoku Kes-sho-den fft a tf? ft ft fl 

Eiyo no Gi-ge ^ <t # 

Shoku-gen-sho 1ft JSt$£ 

Ku-ji Eon-gen Shu-shaku S ^ Ift $? Ut f? 

Kuwam-bo Dzu-ye S3; 41 1 # 

Bei-fuku no Dzu il^| 

Euwam-puku Dzu-shiki H? flli H s£ 

Sho-zoku Shu-sei £c #J HJjSi 

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( 869 ) 



By Edward Kinch, Professor of Chemistry. 

[Read June 8, 1880.] 

I feel considerable diffidence in bringing forward the subjects 
introduced in this paper in a necessarily very imperfect state, but have 
been induced to do so owing to representations made to me that the 
general public holds very divided opinions on most of the matters here 
touched upon, and especially on the subject of the natural fertility of the 
soil of this country ; and another inducement has been the belief that 
the placing on record even of a small amount of facts will be of use to 
other labourers in the same field, among those who may be fitly called 
the missionaries of science in Japan. The majority of recent writers on 
Japan seem to have made statements founded on and leading to the 
belief that the soil is naturally possessed of very great fertility, although 
residents in the country appear generally, but by no means unanimously, 
to hold opinions to the contrary ; it appeared therefore to be not without 
interest to look into the older writings on the country, in order, if 
possible, to follow the growth of opinion. The letters of the earlier 
missionaries contain, as far as my knowledge of them extends, only 
general and rather vague statements, but the impression left is certainly 
not that Japan is a highly fruitful land, although in it tho art of 
agriculture had been at that time brought to a very considerable state 
of perfection. J. Petrus Maffeus 1 says : " The climate, for the most 
part, is snowy and cold, and the soil not very fruitful." 

*Iab xii. Quoted in the " Atlas Japanensis," London, 1670. 

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870 exnoh: the agricultural chemistey of japan. 

On reference to Kawnpfer we find, in the English edition, that ha 
says: 1 

" The soil of Japan, in itself, is for the major part mountainous, 
rooky and barren, but through the indefatigable care and industry of the 
natives, it hath been made fruitful enough to supply them with all 
manner of necessaries, besides what the neighbouring sea affords of fish, 
crabs and shells." 

And again : 8 "It is not in the least surprising, considering either 
the peculiar happiness of the Japanese climate or the industry of its 
laborious inhabitants, that the country affords so large a stock, and 
such an infinite variety of plants and fruits, both wild and cultivated, as 
it may deservedly boast of." 

In the same chapter he remarks that no nation understands the 
art of agriculture better than the Japanese, and speaks of the hills and 
mountains being cultivated to their summits, and says that there is not 
a foot of land which is not turned to profit. 

Charlevoix remarks :* " Quand le Japon ne renfermeroit pas dans 
son sein leB Me'taux les plus pr&rieux, il n'en feroit moins un dee plus 
riches Pays du monde, s'il est vrai que le bont6 du climat, la fertility de 
la terre and l'industrieuse activity des Habitans d'un Pays sont see 
veritable* riohesses." After praising their sobriety and politeness, and 
pointing out that good results to the national character have followed 
from the fact that the Japanese had been for two thousand years with- 
out foreign commerce and had therefore to depend on themselves for all 
the necessaries of life, he goes on : " Car on con$oit ais&nent qu'un 
Peuple extrlmement nombreux, qui habitoit un Pals assez pen 
fertile de son propre fond, and qui n'a jamais pu comprendre, m 
gofiter qu'il dftt dlpendre de ses voisins, pour avoir le ntaessaire, a dfi 
chercher daus son industrie et dans son travail de quoi supplier k 

*Historia Imperii Japonic!— gannanioe seripta ab Engelberto Ktempfero. 
Translated from the author's manuscripts by Johannes Casparus Scheuohaer. 
London, 1727. Book I., chap, viii., p. 103. 

•Chap. iz. } p. 113. 

'Histoire et Description Generate du Japon; par le pdre de Charlevoix. 
9 vols. Paris 1736. Tome viii., chap. x. De la fertility du Japon ; des plantes and 
de Pagrionltare* 

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ce que la Native lui avoit refusl. Aussi a-t'il pousse" rAgriculture pins 
loin qu' aucun autre, et il a par ce moyen fait nftitre l'abondance dn 
seia de la sterility." 

He also says that the highest mountains are cultivated, and remarks 
on the manuring and the proportion of the yield of the land going to 
the proprietors : and also on the superior quality of the Japanese rice 
over that of the Indies, and that it is so nutritious that foreigners, who 
are not used to it, are obliged to use it in moderation. 

That accurate observer, 0. P. Thunberg, observes in the preface to 
his "Flora": 6 "Estque haec copiosa pluvia caussa summed fertilitatis 
Japonic," and " Ipsum solum heic utplurimum argillosum et quandoque 
etiam in quibusdam locis, magis sabulosum, minus tamen per se, quam 
quidem per indefessos et incredibiles indigenarum labores fertile.' 1 In 
his travels 6 he remarks on the great state of perfection to which agricul- 
ture was brought, and says that not a foot of land was unused ; or, when 
once cultivated, allowed to again become waste, and that the mountains 
were cultivated to their highest summits. Any one leaving his land 
uncultivated loses it, and another cultivating it becomes the owner. 
More than once he speaks of the " unbesehreibliche Miihe and Sorgfalt" 
bestowed on the soil and on the operations of manuring. 

In describing his journey from Osaka to Miyako and thence to Yedo, 
he gives much information about the agriculture and botany of the 
country through which he passed, expressing his gratification at the 
cultivation and the delightful appearance of the country, but his disap- 
pointment at the freedom from weeda which the fields displayed, thus 
giving him but little chance to botanise. Nearly all his observations and 
remarks are very accurate, and are of course equally applicable to the 
present day; but like all travellers who were confined to the main 
roads, he states that all land not too steep or rocky for cultivation was 
under crops. 

Coming now after a lapse of considerably more than half a century 

'Flora Japonica. Lipside, 1784, p. zii. 

•Reise. . . . hanptsadhlich in Japan, in den Jahren, 1770-1779. Berlin, 
1794. Band H. Abschnitt IV. Yon der landwirthschaft, besondars dem Aekerbau, 
dor Japaner. Pp. 55-73. 

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to Siebold, we find in his Nippon, 7 the first and only yet published 
analysis of a Japanese soil, with a description of the same, of which the 
following is an abstract. The analysis, as will be seen, is rather rough. 

The soil examined (locality not given, bat perhaps from Uji) was a 
fine grained mixture of a yellow-gray colour, with the appearance of a 
strongly ferruginous clay. In the sample were two small stones, one 
of porphyry and one of grauwacke. 

A chemical analysis of the air-dried soil showed that it had the 
following percentage composition : 

Silica 58.0 

Ferric oxide 9.0 

Alumina 22.0 

Manganese oxide) - 

Magnesia } 

Calcium sulphate 5 

Humus 1.0 

Phosphoric acid trace 

Water 14.0 

The soil was digested in hydrochloric acid and all the silica was 
found to be combined. An experiment was made to determine the potash, 
which was found to be present in traces only. Carbon dioxide was 
absent, and therefore the lime is put down in the form of sulphate. 
The soil has considerable powers of absorbing water, owing to the large 
amount of clay it contained ; the air- dried soil, when moistened, took up 
87.5 per cent of water, of which 50 per cent was lost on exposure for 
24 hours and the whole in 72 hours. The method of determining the 
humus was defective, and some of the loss on ignition put down as water 
was undoubtedly organic matter. The soil is a strong clay containing 
but little humus, lime, magnesia, alkalies or carbonic acid, and cannot 
be accounted fruitful : it requires abundant manuring and addition of 
alkalies. It appears to be a weathered clay- slate. 

7 Nippon. Archiv ztir Besehreibung von Japan, etc., von Ph : Franz yon 
Siebold. Leyden, 1852. Band V. Abtheil. VI. Landwirthschaft U. S. W. 
Anbaa des Theestrauches nnd Bereitung des Thee's auf Japan pp. 17-19. Chemical 
Examination of the earth of a Japanese tea plantation, by Dr. Th. Fr. L. Ness von 
Esenbeck and L. CI. Marquart. 

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In the report on the Agriculture of Japan by D. S. Green to 
Commodore Perry, it is remarked that " the bottoms " or intervals of 
the mountains " are naturally level plains or are made so artificially. 
They are very rich and their fertility is aided by irrigation." " The 
soil" near Yokohama "was a beautiful black mould, with some clay 
and gravel intermixed. " On the sides and summits of the hills near 
Shimoda " the soil is a red clay, but poor, and the crops thin — not produc- 
ing more than 6 to 10 bushels per acre. In the plains the yield is not 
very large, being, on an average, not beyond 15 bushels/' 

In a report to the Minister of Agriculture at Berlin, on Japanese 
Husbandry, by Dr. H. Maron, member of the East Asiatic Expedition, 8 
there are to be found some very interesting and instructive remarks on 
the soil, manuring and cultivation of the soil of this country. He is not 
inclined to decide whether the present fruitfulness of the soil is simply 
the artificial product of cultivation continued for a period of several 
thousand years, or whether this fertility extended from the beginning, 
making the people love the labours of agriculture ; but it must be granted 
that the soil, the climate and the abundance of water, afforded the condi- 
tions and means for a thriving cultivation, which have been most care- 
fully turned to account. The abounding wealth of the soil in mineral 
constituents is, however, spoken of. The main distinctions between 
European and Japanese farming are pointed out, and comparisons drawn 
generally in favour of the latter. One very important fact is pointed 
out, although its full significance is hardly appreciated, viz., that "the 
Japanese husbandman never breaks up a plot of land, unless he pos- 
sesses a small stock of manure which he may invest in the ground ; and 
even then he only cultivates this new plot to the extent his supply of 
manure will permit." I am scarcely prepared to admit that the Japanese 
farmer is so much more farseeing and provident of the future than his 
Western confreres, or to refer this custom to his unwillingness to impair 
the productiveness of the virgin soil, but rather look upon it as a usage 
derived from the teachings of stern necessity. The soil without manure 
does not repay the labour and capital necessary to its cultivation. 

8 Annalen der Preuss. Landwirthschaft. 1862. January. Reprinted as an 
appendix in Liebig's " Natural Laws of Husbandry. 1 ' 

vol. vm. 48 

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874 hutch: the agbictjlttjbal chbmistby of japah. 

Sir Rutherfood Alcock 9 continually speaks of the great fertility of 
the soil in the neighbourhood of Yokohama and Hakone. 10 A valuable 
note of Capt. Vyse is quoted, in which a custom of the Japanese farmer, 
too often overlooked, is pointed out: "Again, what might appear to some 
\ persons to be waste land is not so. " " The Japanese so regulates his 
\land that each part will have time to rest and recreate itself for several 
years. But while this desirable object is aimed at, no part of the land 
is allowed to remain perfectly idle." " Thus, when not producing edible 
crops the land is planted with trees, .... and by the time that 
it is again brought into cultivation, these trees turn out useful timber." 
This custom is perhaps not quite so universal as one might think from 
this note, but many of the parcels of land generally put down as waste 
or uncultivated are being thus fallowed. 

Of the neighbourhood of Nagasaki, however, 11 Alcock says : " In 
some places the nakedness and poverty of the soil could not be entirely 
concealed ; and pure sandstone cropped up so divested of soil that it 
seemed a marvel how trees of any kind could find sustenance in their 
vicinity.' * 

Again: "During the first part of this journey," from Nagasaki 
across Kiu-shiu, " the extreme richness and fertility of the soil were in 
striking contrast with the apparent poverty of those who lived upon it." 

" The mountains were sandstone It could be traced 

everywhere in the soil, so much so that nothing but centuries of manuring 
of the most fertilising kind, and an unlimited supply of water, with all 
the patient toil of a Japanese population, could ever have brought it 
into the crop-bearing state." 

Near Osaka : " The soil was of the same sandy character as in 

On a journey from Osaka to Yedo : " The same sandy character of 
the soil . . . continued until we approached within sight of Fuji- 
yama, when it was exchanged for the dark rich mould which alone is to 
be seen within a hundred miles of Yedo." 

9 The Capital of the Tycoon. 2 vols. London, 1863. 
"Vol. I., see pages 68, 201, 295, 315, 409, 416, 431, 453. 
"Vol. H., see pages 71, 74, 76, 107, 139, 140. 

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wm<m : ths iyowcuLnnaAL cmaasnty of mpas. 876 

In an appendix to Akock's book, by Mr. Veitob," speaking of the 
agriculture of the district of Yokohama and Kanagawa, he says : " The' 
land in this neighbourhood is exceedingly fertile, a friable loam extending 
to a considerable depth and easily worked. There is a great amount 
of waste land which might be cleared at a very slight expense, andl 
cultivated if necessary ; but, on the other hand, there is not a spot 
which, having been once under cultivation, is not taken the best advan- 
tage of." " Cropping and the rotation of crops are thoroughly under- 
stood by the Japanese." 

He also remarks on the cleanliness and order every where prevalent, 
and the freedom from weeds, a point very striking to all observers. 

In the reports of Horace Capron and his collaborateurs on Yezo, u 
mostly written in 1878 and 1874, are very many statements to the effect 
that the soil, especially in the valleys, is remarkably fertile. The soil 
of Nippon (meaning the main island) is said to be " one of the richest in 
the world." 

Of Yedo : " If the natural products of a soil are any indication of its 
fertility or climate, this island will compare favourably in these respects 
with some of the wealthiest and most populous portions of the United 
States." "The crops looking well, giving promise of an abundant 
harvest, setting at rest the much mooted question of the natural fertility 
of the soil, and the generally favourable character of the climate.'* 
" The natural fertility of this soil " — on the banks of the Yoichi river at 
Eawa Higashi and Kawa Nishi — " is rich beyond comparison." " And 
on the other slope the Oshamanba river discharging itself into Volcano 
Bay from valleys of unsurpassed richness." "The soil throughout," — 
the divide between the Yoichi and Oshamanba rivers, — " is very rich, 
and great fertility is observable high up on the mountain slopes, as 
shown by the rank growth of weeds and plants which will only grow 
on very rich soils." 

It is needless to multiply extracts in this place. It will be observed, 
however, that the botanist and geologist of the party are more cautious 
in expressing their opinions. 

u Vol. II., pp. 475-490. Notes on the Agriculture, Trees and Flora of Japan. 
By J. G. Veitch. 

"Published by the Kai-taku-shi. See pages 49, 59, 67, 83, 84, 87, 249, 250, 
255, 256, 266, 269, 806, 809, 815. 

Digitized by 


876 kinoh: the agricultural chemistry of japan. 

More recent reports do not tend to favour the idea that the soil of 
Yezo is in many places naturally of surpassing fertility, bat rather that 
it requires abundant manuring. 

In the work of Mr. Griffis 14 we find the following remarks : " Of 
the soil more is known. Even in a natural state, without artificial 
fertilization, most of the tillable land produces good crops of grain or 
vegetables. On myriads of rice field, which have yielded richly for ages, 
the fertility is easily maintained by irrigation and the ordinary applica- 
tion of njanure, the natives being proficient in both these branches of 
practical industry." "The labours of centuries have brought every 
inch of the cultivable soil in the populous districts into a state of high 
agricultural finish." 

In an appendix on Land and Agriculture : " Not one-fourth of the 
fertile area of Japan is yet .under 'cultivation. Immense portions of 
good grass land and fertile valleys in Hondo, and almost the whole of 
Yeso assist the farmer's plow and seed, to return rich harvests/* " Fifty 
bushels to the acre is a good average, though much of the land never 
gives so large a return." But before this he says that the number of 
acres under cultivation is 9,000,000 and the average crop under 80,000,- 
000 koku : that is under 17 bushels per acre. 

" Her pastures are capable, judging from known data, of keeping 
28,000,000 sheep, yielding an average weight of five pound per fleece." 
" It has been demonstrated that Japan is a country eminently adapted 
to support sheep and the finest breeds of cattle, and has a climate suited 
to develop to perfection cereals, leguminous plants, and artificial grasses, 
such as red and white clover, alfalas, and the rye family." 

Le Gendre, 15 notwithstanding his extensive views on the develop- 
ment of agriculture in Japan, is forced to the conclusion that (page 222), 
l/" rich as it is, the soil of Japan will not produce without manure." 

From these extracts, which might have been considerably extended, 
it will be seen that the older writers, whose observations were for the 
most part, though not exclusively, made at Nagasaki and its neighbour- 
hood, did not consider the soil as very fertile naturally ; whilst a large 

"Griffis. "The Mikado's Empire," 2nd Edition. New York, 1877. 
" " Progressive Japan," By General Le Gendre. Yokohama, 1878. 

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kinoh: the aqbhjultubal ohemistby of japan. 877 

number of the later writers, the majority of whom observed in the 
neighbourhood of Yokohama, have propagated the opinion that the soil 
is exceedingly fertile. I am inclined to doubt, however, if this opinion 
has any considerable hold on the minds of the observing part of the 
foreign residents in this district. 

It is also evident that the word " fertile " is used in two senses, 
and probably in each of these senses has a different shade of meaning to 
each individual ; a fertile soil sometimes used to mean one which is not a 
desert nor absolutely barren, but covered with some green growth in the 
summer ; and at others, to mean one agriculturally productive. Between 
these two meanings there is a wide varying space, since for the plant to 
be productive from an agricultural point of view it must produce far 
more than in its natural condition ; nevertheless the words are, I believe, 
often used in these two senses in the same sentence and even at the 
same time ; and in a large number of cases the word " fruitful " would 
more accurately express the writer's meaning, and this without any 

To a new-comer the verdure of the country everywhere and 
especially in the spring and summer is very delightful, and imparts high 
expectations of the productiveness of the land, and even the more 
cautious observers are sometimes led away by the abundant growth of 
wild plants in some favoured localities. It is overlooked that plants 
growing in a state of nature remove nothing from the soil, but rather 
add constituents derived from the atmosphere, and at the same time the 
processes of weathering are going on, tending to ameliorate the soil ; 
whilst the growth and removal of an agricultural crop is necessarily 
exhausting in its nature. 

It is worthy of note, also, that the trees and plants, which add so 
much to the beauty of a Japanese landscape throughout the year, consist 
very largely of coniferous trees and other evergreens, plants which tend 
the least of all to draw upon the resources of a soil, and whose mineral 
constituents are less and consist more largely of silica than those of 
deciduous trees and other plants. 

Besides the fact mentioned above, that the Japanese farmer does 
not break up any ground unless he has a supply of manure for the same, 
we find that his experience has crystallized into a proverb : " Shin-den 

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.878 kinch: the agricultural uhemistry of japan. 

icadauka ko ho-nm "—a new field gives hat a small crop ; which also 
means by a play on the characters, " Nin-gen wadzuka go jU nen " — 
human life is but fifty years. 

The statement made by the older writers, that the mountains were 
cultivated up to their summits, was of course derived from observations 
near Nagasaki, and although the cultivation in terraces on the mountain 
slopes is carried to a greater extent in Eiu-shiu and on the island shores 
of the Inland Sea, yet even here one is inclined to think from present 
observation that the writers have made use of the traveller's prerogative. 

As this statement is still circulated and is found in places where 
more accurate information might be expected, it may be worth men- 
tioning that, according to the most trustworthy data obtainable, there 
are about 28± million cho of land in Japan, of which less than 4± 
million are cultivated. Of the remainder, an immense area is capable of 
cultivation. What strikes a traveller in the interior is that nearly all 
spots to which a supply of water could be easily brought are utilized for 
paddy culture, though the surrounding slightly higher land may be 

A very large portion of the cultivated soil of Japan is of volcanic 
origin, and very much of the remainder is derived from igneous rocks. 
Of the former much is, like the great plain of Musashi, derived directly 
from volcanic tufa and ash. 

From my own observation I am led to the opinion that nearly all 
the igneous rocks of the main island of Japan, whether plutonic or 
volcanic, belong to the acidic group ; thus the volcanic rocks are nearly 
all of a trachytic or phonolitic nature, and the plutonic rocks mostly 
granites, quartz, porphyries and felsites. Gneiss is not uncommon. 
The stratified rocks also are mostly silicious shales and tufas. 

Speaking of Eiu-shiu, Bichthofen says (I have not been able to refer 
to the original) the rocks are mainly Siberian and Devonian, accompanied 
by granite. In Satsuma the various families of volcanic rocks have 
arrived at the surface in exactly the same order of succession as in the 
case of Hungary, Mexico, and many other volcanic regions, viz. — 1st, 
propylite or trachytic greenstone ; 2nd, andesite ; 3rd, trachyte and 
rhyolite ; 4th, the basaltic rocks. 

Antiseil, speaking of the geology of Yezo, says there are there two 

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distinct mountain systems ; one coming from Saghalien and passing 
down the west shore of Yezo to U-go, U-zen, etc., and the other 
coming from Eamtchatka and the Kuriles running N. 20°-25° E. to S. 
20°-25° W. and crossing the first. The first is essentially granitic and 
felspathic, and is slow of decomposition. The second is volcanic and 
yields basalts, traps and diorites, decomposes readily, producing deep and 
rich soils. Hence the difference in vegetation on the two chains. 

My friend Mr. William Gowland, of the Imperial Mint, Osaka, has 
kindly forwarded me the following valuable note on the rocks of districts 
in which he has travelled, together with determinations of silica in 
characteristic specimens of many of them. 

"So far as my observations have gone, I have come to the con- 
clusion that the trachytic and phonolitic groups, together with horn- 
blendic granite and a syenite are decidedly the most extensively prevail- 
ing rocks in Japan. (By syenite I here mean a rock of granitic structure, 
with white felsitic base containing crystals, often large, of hornblende 
and of felspar : miea sometimes is present). Next in importance to these 
are felsites and quartz porphyries. Of stratified rocks there is a very 
extensive series of highly silicious metamorphosed shales. Basalts are 
rare. Members of the trachyte group form the chief rocks of the 
following mountains, and besides occur extensively in the districts 
surrounding them : — Chd-kai-san and Gassan in Dewa ; Tateyama and 
Yakeyama in Etchiu ; Norikura and Kiso-no-Ontake in the Shinano-Hida 
range ; Haku-san in Eaga ; the Nikko range ; the Hakone range and 
the mountains of the Wada toge, Nakasendo." 

These acidic rocks all contain more silica than the corresponding 
basic rocks, namely, basalts and the greenstones, diorite, etc., which 
are rare in, but by no means absent from, this country ; and although 
they are generally fairly rich in potash, they contain less lime and 
aluminium and iron oxides than the basic rocks. I believe also that 
the evidence, as far as it goes, is that these acidic rocks contain less 
phosphoric acid than the basic rocks ; in comparatively few rock 
analyses has this ingredient been determined, and the specimens being 
from scattered localities and examined by different analyses, the 
results are somewhat variable, though on the whole they tend to show 
that the basic rocks are richer in phosphoric acid, as might indeed be 

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inferred. The most important of these determinations are by Nessler 
and Math, 10 who examined a large number ofdolerites and trachytes 
for phosphoric acid, potash and soda, as well as making more complete 
analyses of other rocks ; by Storer and Henshaw, 17 who give the results 
of a large number of analyses of different New-England rocks ; and by 
Stockhardt. 18 The quantity of phosphoric acid in most igneous rocks 
is remarkably high when compared with that present in most of the 
sedimentary rocks and in soils. The main results are as follows : in 
basalt the phosphoric pentoxide varies from .5 to 1.11 ; in granite from 
.18 to .58 and in one case 1.19 ; in trachyte from .86 to .66 ; in 
doleiites from .87 to 1.1 ; in phonolites from .16 to .24, and in felsite 
porphyry .21. 

The basalt of the Schiffenberg near Giessen was found by Winter 
and Will" to contain 5 per cent of phosphorus pentoxide, with 44.04 
per cent of silica. 

In a trachyte from Wolferdingen in the Westwald, A. Hilger" 
found 8 per cent of phosphorus pentoxide and 59.87 per cent of 

The analyses of Japanese rocks hitherto published are very few, and 
in this direction I can add but little to our knowledge. In the Zeitschrift 
der Deutschen Geologischen Geselhchaft, 1877, p. 877 will be found an 
analysis of the lava of Oshima (Vries Is.) by Dr. 0. Korschelt. This 
is a basic rock containing 52.42 per cent of silica and is classified by the 
author of the paper, Dr. E. Naumann, as an augitic andesite. This 
lava is very rich in magnetite, containing more than twelve per cent. 

In a paper by J. Rein" is an analysis of the prevailing rock of 
Mount Fuji, which is also a basic rock. The author says dolerite 
prevails, and no where is there any trace of trachyte or obsidian. A 

16 Ber. iiber Arbeit S. Grossh. Versuchs-Stat : Karlsruhe 1870 and Jahresbericht 
fur Agricultur-Chemie. xiii. 18. 

"Bulletin of the Bussey Institution Vol n. 1877 and Jahresbericht fiir 
Agricultur-Chemie. zz. 4. 

"Landwirthschaft. Versuchs-Stationen. 1859.178 and 1811.105. 

19 Jahresbericht fiir Mineralogie. 1877, 102—103. 

90 Jahresber. fiir Mineralogie. 1877, 421. 

n Der Fujiyama and seine Besteigung von J. Bein. Petermanns Mittheilungen, 
1879, Heft X. 

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KDCCH : THH JBSmtlLSCISAL 00008017 09 JAP AX. 881 

specimen of the rock was examined by Prof. Ton Fritsoh and his 
assistant Dr. Siidecke, both chemically and microscopically. The 
chemical analysis was as follows : 

Silica 62.0 percent. 

Alumina 16.8 " 

Iron oxide 18.6 " 

Magnesia 2.0 " 

lime 14.6 " 

Potash 9 " 

Soda 1 " 

To Dr. 0. Korschelt I am indebted for the following analyses of 

rocks, most of which were collected by Dr. E. Naumann and selected 

by him as typical specimens. 


Silica 60.10 67.00 

Ferric oxide 8.67) 0K 7* 

Alumina 19.62) Z0/D 

lime 1.60 8*24 

Magnesia 1.69 2.66 

Potash 2.68 

Soda 8.82 

Sodium Chloride .26 

Water 7.21 6,20 

100.06 98.84 

andhbitb fbom 























Ferric oxide . 





Lime ....... 





Magnesia ... 















vol. vm. 


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Silica 50.77 64.87 59.89 

Alumina 16.81 21.16 15.82 

Ferric oxide 10.17 10.56 10.67 

lime 9.87 1.28 6.15 

Magnesia 8.48 4.80 2.66 

Soda 6.76 6.68 8.66 

Potash 1.78 8.29 1.40 

98.09 101.08 98.64 

The exeess over 100 which is found in some of these analyses is, I 
think, partly due to all the iron being put down as ferric oxide, whilst in 
some cases much of it exists as magnetic oxide, and some perhaps even 
in a less oxidised state. 

The only other analyses of rocks that I can bring forward are some 
determinations of silica in several specimens of rocks made by Mr. 
Gowland, who has kindly placed his results at my service. These are : 
Andesifce from Tateyama (Etchiu), specimen from a hexagonal column 
containing silica 59.14 per cent ; this is the characteristic rock of the 
older volcanoes. In the Jigoku-dani, Tateyama, the rock becomes 
sonorous and sub-fissile, and then contains silica 68.41 per cent. 
Porphyritic trachyte from the summit of Haku-san, Kaga, a dark 
felspathic base containing large crystals of striped felspar and of 
hornblende, silica 58.41 per cent. Lower down the mountain this rock 
is close-grained and fissile ; and in the neighbourhood of Eatsuyama in 
Echizen it is split into slabs and used for various purposes. 

Felsitic rock from Bokko-zan, Hiyogo ken, silica 77.17 per cent. 
Brecchia-porphyry from Yari-ga-take, Shinano, greenish in colour and of 
which rock nearly the whole mountain is composed, silica 62.02 per cent. 
Trachyte very hard and difficult to work, used for building, from Idzu 
(?), silica 62.85 per cent. Trachyte used by the Railway Department, 
unknown locality, a green wackenitic variety ; silica 62.87 per cent. 

Bock from the Idzu promontory, which is, on account of its 
associations, probably trachyte, though its silica is rather low ; green 
variety, silica 50.85 per cent ; red variety, silica 49.85 per cent. 

Digitized by 


kinch: the agriotjlttjral OHEMIBTBT OF JAPAN. 883 

It will be seen that these rocks, with the exception of the last 
mentioned, the Fujiyama rocks and the recent lava of Oshima, belong to 
the acidic division of rocks. When the new geological survey laboratory 
comes into work, we shall have fuller and more certain knowledge of 
the composition of Japanese rocks, and doubtless determinations of 
phosphoric acid in all characteristic specimens. 

Of the soils of Japan several analyses have been made in the Labora- 
tory of the Agricultural College, and the results of some of these follow. 
I must, however, here be allowed to warn the non-scientific part of my 
readers that the ordinary chemical analysis of a soil, by itself, conveys 
comparatively little information as to its actual state of fertility of that 
soil. So very much depends upon whether the ingredients of the soil 
are in a condition in which they are directly available or readily become 
available to the plant, and this can only be determined approximately 
by very elaborate series of analyses, occupying so much time that it is 
quite prohibited by the duties attached to a teacher's position in this 
country. Still, however, much valuable information may be obtained 
even from such analyses as those given below, when their meaning is 
not stretched too far and their interpretation is checked by observation in 
the field, and to the chemists of the society no apology will be necessary 
for recording the analyses in this form. Regarding the method of 
analysis, I need only remark that generally I have followed the methods 
given in Enops " Bonitirung der Ackererde." The gently ignited soil was 
extracted with hydrochloric acid of specific gravity 1.12 : usually the 
soluble silica was not determined separately, but the whole evaporated to 
dryness, moistened with strong hydrochloric acid and boiled with 
water, therefore the soluble silica is included with the sand, etc. Man- 
ganous oxide also was rarely determined separately, and is therefore 
included with the alumina. The magnetic oxide of iron was determined 
by carefully washing the dried soil by decantation with water and extract- 
ing the magnetite from the residual sand with a magnet. Although this 
method will not give absolutely correct results, they will be fairly 

The total combined nitrogen was estimated by combustion with 
soda-lime and collection of the ammonia generated in a standard acid 

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smew: ro aqjuoultubal chhmbtby op japan. 

Analyses of Soils. 

1. Surface toil from the farm of the No Gakko, Komaba, Tdkiyd. 

2. Subsoil from the farm of the No GakkS, Komaba, Tdkiyd. 

8. Surface soil from the Govemmemt farm (Boku yo jo), Shimosa, 
Chiba ken. 

4. Subsoil from the Government farm (Boku yd jo), Shimosa, 
Chiba ken* 

5. Surface soil from the garden of the Keneho, Chiba, Chiba ken. 


Lobs on ignition, that is organic 
matter and combined water.. 

Sand, silica and insoluble silicates, 

Ferric oxoide 

Alumina (and manganous oxide). 

Phosphorus pentoxide 





Chlorine . 

Sulphur trioxide 

Carbon dioxide, etc., undetermined 


Magnetic oxide of iron . 

Air-dried soil retained water 

Soil dried 100° C. reabsorbed water . 
























100.00 100.00 









100.00 100.00 









Other samples of Komaba soil from a different part of the farm gave 
the following numbers : — 


22 .18 

40 .25 

Phosphorus pentoxide 




More extended observations on the hydroscopic power of these soils 
at different temperatures are wanted. 

These soils represent pretty fairly the composition of the soil of the 

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great plain of Musashi, and of other places where the soil is formed of 
volcanic ash and tufa. It will he seen that in these and other cases the 
magnesia often exceeds in amount the lime in the soil. 

Soils used for mulberry plantations, usually situated on the hanks 
or in the beds of rivers. 

6. From Inari, Shima-mura, Sai-gdri, Gumma ken ; between two 
branches of the Tone-gawa. 

7. From Shiro-shita, Uyeda machi, Ogata-gori, Nagano ken ; on the 
east bank of the Chikuma-gawa. 

8. From Yanagawa-mura, Date-gori, Iwashiro, Fukushima ken; 
on the east bank of the Abukuma-gawa. 

9. From Ishida-mura, Date-gori, Iwashiro. 


Organic matter and combined water. 

Sand and insoluble silicates 

Ferric oxide and alumina 





Phosphoric acid 

Undetermined, 01, SO s , C0 8 , etc.. . . 

Magnetic oxide oi iron 











































These soils all contain large and varying quantities of stones con- 
sisting of more or less rounded and weathered pebbles and gravel of 
quartz, trachytic and phonolitie rock. The portion insoluble in hy- 
drochloric acid in 6 and 7 consists of quartz, a good deal of mica, frag- 
ments of trachytic rocks and of the minerals contained in the rocks, 
augite, magnetite, etc. In 8 and 9 it is almost entirely quartz and 
mica : the weathering has proceeded farther in these cases. The large 
amount of silicious matter in the fine earth of these soils, apart from the 
stones, will be noticed : in the first two it amounts to about nine-tenths of 
the dry soil and in the last two to about eight-tenths. These soils have 

Digitized by 


886 'KInch: the agrioultubal chemistry of japan. 

very little power of absorbing or retaining moisture, and require frequent 
and liberal manuring. Soil 9 had, a short time before the sample was 
taken, been manured with leaves and the pruning of the mulberry trees 
and their ashes, which may partly account for the much higher percentage 
of potash found, and moreover the guarantees that the samples are taken 
in a manner to ensure a proper average specimen are not in most cases 
very strong. 

Some soils have been examined which contained considerable quan- 
tities of ferrous compounds in a condition in which they were easily 
soluble in diluted hydrochloric acid and in which state they are poisonous 
to plants. One of these, from Kambara-gori in Echigo, was a very 
sandy clay, containing mica and some magnetic oxide, and also a much 
larger quantity than usual of soluble saline constituents, these amounting 
to 1.28 per cent of the dry soil and being chiefly chlorides. Such a soil 
is unfruitful, but may be rendered fertile by drainage and the application 
of a heavy dressing of lime, which, in conjunction with the free access 
of air induced by dry cultivation, favours the oxidation of the hurtful 
ferrous compounds into harmless ferric oxide. 

Another soil, containing much iron in the lower state of oxidation 
and therefore nearly barren, was from Yawata-bara-mura, Yamagata-gdri, 
Hiroshima Ken. This soil, like nearly all others containing ferrous com- 
pounds, was very deficient in lime, of which it contained only a trace ; 
by treatment with lime, commencing with a heavy dressing and continu- 
ing the application in diminishing quantities for some years, and by well 
stirring the soil to allow of aeration, such soils may be ameliorated and 
rendered fertile. Even the small crops grown on these soils are poor in 
quality and appear to be particularly subject to the attacks of insects. 

Although the chemical analysis of soils by itself gives only in some 
well defined cases any very certain knowledge of their relative fertility, 
and by ascribing a greater value to the quantitative expression of any 
one of the essential constituents of plant food than to any other, one lays 
himself open to a charge of unscientific reasoning, yet there is no doubt 
that in ordinary soils, possessing ail the essential elements in a propor- 
tion and condition in which they will support ordinary vegetation, the 
relative agricultural fertility of the soil is determined to the greatest 
extent by the quantity of phosphoric acid present, and the next in value 

Digitized by 


kinoh: thb agricultural chemistby of japan, 887 

of the so-called inorganic constituents of plants is potash and thirdly 
lime. Nitrogen in a combined and available condition is also a very 
essential constituent, but the full consideration of its different combina- 
tions and their relative degrees of availability is a subject of great 
complexity ; it will be found, however, in soils of a like nature that the 
combined nitrogen often increases with the phosphoric acid. On this 
subject of the value of phosphoric acid as a measure of the fertility of the 
soil, a few recent researches may be instanced, some of which also bear 
on the question of the relative amounts of phosphorus in acidic and 
basic rocks. 

M. Truchot in papers on the soils of Auvergne," and on the fertility 
of volcanic earths 38 gives analyses of different rocks in a more or less 
weathered and friable state and of the soils formed from them. The 
ingredients especially determined were phosphoric acid, potash, and lime. 
In four granite stones of the Puy de Ddme the phosphorus pentozide 
varied from .015 to .048 ; potash, .16 to .871; and lime, trace to .099. 
In 28 soils from such rocks and which were but of little fertility the 
phosphorus pentoxide varied between .021 and .095; potash, .015 and 
.718 ; lime, trace to .80. In trachytic stones each of these ingredients 
was higher, the mean of three characteristic specimens being lime 2.201 ; 
potash 8.775, and phosphorus pentoxide .181. In basaltic and recent 
lavas the lime and especially the phosphoric acid was again higher, the 
latter in one case exceeding one per cent ; the mean of these specimens 
was CaO, 8.12 ; K 2 0, 1.427 and P 2 5 , .88 per cent. So the soils 
formed from the volcanic rocks were much richer in phosphoric acid 
than the soils from the granite, the average of many samples being 
.82 per cent ; they were by no means, however, generally richer in 
potash, but lime was more abundant. 

The author concludes that the soils of Auvergne and volcanic soils 
generally owe their great fertility principally to their high contents in 
phosphoric acid and that this is a measure of their fertility. The 
granites form very indifferent soils, the trachytes soils naturally fertile 

"Annates Agronomiques 1875. I. 535-551 and Biedermann's Centralblatt 

1877, 84. 

88 Annates de Chimie et de Physique. [5] XTTT. 264-271 and Biedermann 

1878, 405. 

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but much less so than those derived from recent lavas. The nitrogen 
in these soils was found to increase with their fertility bat not so 
regularly as the phosphoric acid. 

Ad. Mayer 94 gives analyses of soils from Yriesland and notes on 
their rentable value. In these soils the value is in the order of their 
contents in phosphoric acid. In four sandy soils of Frederiksoord 
referred to in the same paper the phosphoric acid seemed to determine 
the fertility. 

Josef Hanamann* in Basaltstudien of a rock from Pschanhiigels 
near Ohlumeau in Bohemia gives analyses of the original rock, the 
weathered crust and the earth formed from it. In the dry samples the 
phosphoric acid increased from .515 to .594 per cent and the potash from 
.85 to 1.165 per cent, whilst the lime decreased from 11.571 to 5.845 
per cent. This basalt formed a very fruitful soil. 

Analyses of soils on which several of the most esteemed Rhine and 
Main wines are grown by A. Hilger* show that these soils are very rich 
in phosphoric acid, in ten soils being from .212 to .926, in the same sorts 
the potash soluble in hydrochloric acid was from .216 to 2.601, most of 
them also contained a good deal 'of calcium carbonate, from 8.112 to 
69.681. In some analyses of soils from the Bunter Sandstone near 
Spessart and Vogesen, R. Weber [(Biedermann's Oentralbktt, 1879, 
Septr. p. 750) found that the plots growing deciduous trees, beech and 
oak, were richer in humus, in potash, in phosphoric acid and in soluble 
silica than those plots on which firs were growing. The phosphoric 
acid in the first case varied from 842 to 689 per million and in the 
latter from .128 to 199; and moreover this ingredient was present in 
direct ratio to the fertility of the soil. 

Whilst laying particular stress then on the value, of phosphoric acid 
as an indication of the fertility of soils and placing next in value potash 
and then lime we must be careful not to make the statement too general, 
remembering always that different plants have different requirements and 

M Fuh]ing's Landwirthsohaftliohe Zeituug 1877, 726-728 and Biedermann 
1878, 15. 

"Finding's Landwirthschaftliche Zeitung 1878, 850 and Biedermann's 
1878, 491. 

M Biedermanns' Centralblatt fur Agricnltur-chemie 1879, 647. 

Digitized by 


kingh: the agbicultubal ghemistbt of japan* 

different powers of making use of the same compound, that certain other 
elements are absolutely essential and that the mechanical condition and 
physical attributes of the soil, especially its relation to heat and moisture 
and its absorptive powers, are of the highest importance. I regret that 
I cannot now give any complete results of the absorptive power of any 
Japanese soils for ammonia or potash or their salts, or for heat under 
varying conditions. The absorptive power of the soil in this neighbour- 
hood appears, however, to be high for soil containing so much sand. My 
regret is, however, the less, now that the subject of the rocks, minerals 
and soils of Japan, with their chemical and physical properties, will 
receive the undivided attention of the chemist of the Geological and 
Agricultural Survey lately established under the Kuwan-nd-kiyoku, rather 
than the fragments of time I have been able to devote to it. 

It appears somewhat strange that these Japanese soils contain so 
little potash soluble in hydrochloric acid, through many are of trachytic 
origin, but the felspars of Japan seem to be in greater part not potash 
(excepting sanidine, which is abundant), and the micas are also chiefly, 
I believe, magnesia micas : the potash is also, up to a certain point, 
easily washed out of the soil. 

Of course the potash represented in the analyses is by no means 
the whole in the soil, but only that which is extracted by hydrochloric 
acid; the remainder only becomes available to the plant exceedingly 

A point of interest in connection with these analyses is that in 
every case magnetic oxide of iron was found in the soil, although in very 
varying quantities even in the same field. It generally exists in 
distinctly crystalline grains, though sometimes aggregated together and 
weathered on the outside. Magnetic iron sand may indeed be seen by 
nearly every roadside in the country, especially after rains and in the 
hilly districts and on many of the sea coasts, thus affording a continual 
proof of the practically non-oxidisable nature of this substance by 
atmospheric agencies, even when assisted by the agents at work in 
the soil. 

The Japanese farmer treats his soil as a vehicle in which to grow 
crops, and does not appear to regard it as a bank from which to draw 
continual supplies of crops ; thus he manures every crop, and he applies 
vol. vm. 60 

Digitized by 


890 jqnoh: the agricultural ohbkbsry of japan. 

the manure to the crop and not to the land. He does not seek to increase 
the condition of the soil for future crops to any extent : only in the case 
of the paddy land is the manure applied before sowing the seed or 
putting in the plants, and then only a short time before in the case of 
green manuring or the application of vegetable refuse. 

Considered from this point of view, the majority of the soils of this 
district and many others are admirably adapted from their physical 
properties and attributes ; but from a chemical point of view as a store- 
house of available plant food they must be considered poor. J. Rein, 
in his paper on the climate of Japan (see these Transactions, vol. vi, 
part iii, p. 494), points out, what is too frequently forgotten, that warmth 
and moisture are the most important factors in the development of 
vegetable life and far more influential than the character of the soil. 
It is only where a copious annual rainfall is combined with a constantly 
high temperature, as in south-eastern Asia, the West Indies and Brazil, 
that we find the tropical luxuriance and abundance which have been so 
often extolled. He also points out that the Kuroshiwo has a decided 
influence on the climate and therefore on the productiveness of the land. 
A rather extensive series of field experiments on manures was instituted 
last year on the Agricultural College farm at Eomaba, and although it 
would be rash to make general statements from the results of one season 
only, yet they showed the great importance of phosphates, and the 
practical failure of crops grown without liberal manuring. Some of the 
more interesting of the results of these experiments I may lay before 
the society at a future time, if they would be acceptable. 

From the subject of soils we come naturally to the far more odor- 
ous one of manures. The mineral manures used here are lime, shell 
lime, wood ashes, straw ashes, ashes of weeds and burnt earth, nitre, 
salt, marl, and recently the ammoniacal liquor of gas works. 

The limestones and limes examined have generally contained a 
considerable quantity of magnesia, which in large quantity is undesirable 
in an agricultural lime. A source of lime worth noting is a large 
deposit of fossil shells inbedded in sand in Gobu-mura-yama near Narita, 
Chiba ken, and about five ri from the sea. The shells are chiefly of the 
Echinoidea, a species of seutella. An analysis of an average sample 

Digitized by 


xxkoh: the agbioultttbal chbbhstby of japan. 


Water 1 

Sand, insoluble in hydroohlorie acid 42 

Ferric oxide and alumina 87 9 

Calcium carbonate 44 

Magnesium carbonate and alkalies 4 



Common salt is too expensive for an extended use, being made almost 
entirely by the evaporation of sea- water and salt springs. 

The following are analyses of wood ashes and straw ashes as used 
for manure : 

11. Wood ashes bought in Tdkiyo. 

12. Matsu (Pinus) ashes ; from an analysis by Dr. Korschelt. 
18. Straw ashes. 












Sand, silica and carbon : insoluble in hydrochlorio acid 
Soluble in hydrochlorio acid : — 

Tiime ............. T .. * . r ...,.,,*.. t t * r r t , t . 




Phosphoric acid 


Magnesia, soda, carbon dioxide, chlorine, sulphur 
trioxide, etc • • 





Potash soluble in water 



Gypsum might be advantageously employed in some places and 
some crops, and more extensive supplies should be sought for. 

The specimens of crude nitre examined have contained a large 
percentage of potassium chloride, but comparatively little sodium chloride. 
The following is an example. 

*7 Containing phosphoric acid .09 per cent. 

Digitized by 




Water 1.85 

Insoluble residue 80 

Magnesium sulphate 57 

Sodium sulphate 65 

Sodium chloride 5.19 

Potassium chloride 84.92 

Potassium nitrate 56.52 


Of vegetable manure the principal are sea- weed, the residues from 
different manufactures, e.g. rape cake, sesamum cake, cotton cake and 
other oil residues, as from camellia seeds, the residues from the manu- 
facture of shoyu, ante, sake, shochiu, indigo, etc., the husks and bran of 
grains, especially of rice, dried grass, leaves, and trimmings of shrubs and 
trees, . these being often made into a compost. Green manuring with 
growing plants is practised to some extent on the paddy lands where 
some small leguminous plants, especially the milk-vetch, Astragalus 
lotoides, Bengeso or Oenge is grown and turned in towards the end of 
April when in full bloom. The pretty pink and white flower of this 
plant forms at this time a pleasing feature in the landscape of a paddy 
valley and a rest to the eye, particularly in combination with the yellow 
blossoms of the rape. Pea plants when in flower are sometimes used as 
a manure for the rice fields. 

Analyses of some of the most important of these vegetable refuse 
materials are given below; their value as manure depends almost 
entirely on the nitrogen they contain, but to a small extent on their 
ash constituents. The oil cakes, ame kasu and shoyu kasu are the 
most valuable. These manures should not be applied in quantity at 
the seed time in an unmixed state, owing to their fermenting and also 
attracting and harbouring insects, which attack the seeds and young 

15. Rape cake. Abura kasu. Residue from expressing the oil 
from the seeds of Brassica sinensis. 

16. Sesamum cake. Goma kasu. Residue from expressing the oil 
from the seeds of Sesamum indicum. 

Digitized by 


kinch: the aobiotjltubal chemistry of japan. 

17. Malt dust. Ame kasu. Residue from the manufacture of Ame 
from rice, millet and malt of wheat or barley. 

18. Spirit residues. Shochiu kasu. Residue from the manufacture 
of Shochiu from Sake kasu. 

19. Rice beer residues. Sake kasu. Residue from the manufacture 
of Sake. 

20. Soy residues. Shoyu kasu. Residue from the manufacture of 
Shoyu from beans and wheat. 














Water , 




Water , 



Nitrogenous matter 


Digestible carbohydrates , 

21. Rice cleanings. Nuka. Residue from the polishing of rice in 
wooden mortars. 

22. Ditto. 
28. Ditto. 

24. Barley bran. Fusuma. 



























Organic Matter 





Nitrogenous matter .... 

Digestible Carbohydrates 


















































Digitized by 


9H mmoh: thb agbiohltueal gbbuzstbt op japan. 

Nuka is used in washing the body as a substitute for soap, especially 
by women ; and recently part of the oil contained in it has been utilised 
after extraction by pressure. 

All these substances might be utilised to a greater or less extent as 
feeding materials for cattle, etc., by which means the oil which most of 
them contain in considerable quantity would be turned to account, and 
the nitrogenous matter and ash constituents rendered more immediately 
available for the plant after their passage through the animal. Indeed 
by such use their value would be largely increased, as the animal makes 
use almost entirely of the oxidisable constituents which have no value 
as manures and excretes nearly the whole of the manurial constituents ; 
with the increasing demand for animal flesh in this country, doubtless 
these substances will be more and more so used. Some of them have 
before had a limited use in feeding poultry. The lower analyses in the 
above series give an indication of the relative value of these substances 
as cattle food, the oil cakes and nuka being of most value. 

Another vegetable refuse material of considerable manurial value 

is that from the manufacture of indigo. A specimen from Echigo 

contained — 

Water 8.50 

Organic and volatile matter, etc 82.65 

Mineral matter : — 

Silica and insoluble matter 18.21 

Alumina and ferric oxide 8.80 

Lime 16.85 

Magnesia 8.58 

Potash 2.95 

Sodium chloride 95 

Phosphorus pentoxide 5.75 

Carbon dioxide, soda, sulphur trioxide, etc 7.76 

Combined nitrogen equal to ammonia 1.70 per cent. 
In the list of animal manures, besides the great staple of excre- 
mentitious substances, especially that which is continually appealing so 
unpleasantly through our nostrils and causing us so often to live in a 

Digitized by 




" martyrdom of stench/' there are fish and various fish residues, as the 
cleanings of the preserved fish and the residues after extracting oil from 
various species, bird's dung, silkworm excrements, silkworm chrysalides, 
hair, shells, and recently bones and bone superphosphate have come into 

As specimens of the.accessory animal manures I give the following : — 

26. Fish Manure. Hoshika. 

27. Fish Manure. Nishin (Herring) from Yezo. 

28. Bird's Dung. Cho-fun. 

29. Hair. 


Organic matter 

Sand and insoluble matter 

Phosphates of calcium, magnesium, and iron 

Calcium carbonate 

Alkaline salts 

Nitrogen equal to ammonia 

Total phosphoric acid 

Equal to tricalcic phosphate 























" 1.92 

















26 is an average specimen of a whole fish manure. The quantity 
of sand is sometimes even higher, amounting to nearly two-fifths of the 
total weight. 

27 is a good specimen of the residue after extracting oil by pressure 
from the herring, Pellona elongata, in Yezo; it is superior to most 
specimens ; this contained 18.34 per cent of oil, and it might when fresh 
be used in small quantities as an adjunct to the food of animals ; by its 
passage through the animal economy the phosphates and nitrogenous 
matter would be rendered more soluble and therefore more readily 
available to plants. 

29 is the sweepings of fisher's shops and largely mixed with dirt 
and dust. 

I will now give a few analyses and remarks on the, in general, 
more savoury and palatable subject of Japanese foods. 

Digitized by 




Bice, home, is principally grown in paddy lands, ta, in the same 
way as in other eastern countries ; there are said to be more than two 
hundred and seventy varieties of this, the staple grain. There are two 
principal kinds, viz., the ordinary rice, uruchi, and the glutinous rice, 
mochi-gome, specially used for making mochi, the new year's cakes* 
Each of these has three special varieties, viz., early, wase, medium 
season, nakate, and late, okute. Bice is also cultivated to a less extent 
on the dry lands, hatake, and is then known as okabo. This latter may 
be used for making sake, for which purpose the mochi-gome is not found 
to be suitable. 

The total area of paddy land in Japan is estimated at a little over two 
and a half million cho* 1 and the average yield of clean rice would appear 
to be about fifteen koku** per cho, that is about thirty bushels per acre. 

Although after boiling there is a great difference to be perceived 
between uruchi and mochi-gome, yet in their proximate chemical com- 
position there is scarcely any difference. The mochi-gome seems to contain 
a little more fat and generally more ash and less nitrogenous matter 
than the uruchi, but these differences are very slight, as will be seen by 
the subjoined analyses and also by those communicated to the society 
by Dwars (Trans, vol. vi., p. 68) and by Atkinson (Trans, vol. vii., p. 
821.) This latter is, I believe, now investigating the difference between 
these two kinds of rice ; it is probable that the difference will be found 
to reside in the nature of the albuminoids. 

80. Common rice, uruchi, average of several specimen^. 

81. Glutinous rice, mochi-gome, average of two specimens. 

30 31 

Water 12.8 18.0 

Ash 1.2 1.4 

Fat 2.0 8.0 

Albuminoids 6.1 5.1 

Fibre 4.0 4.5 

Starch, etc 78.9 78.0 

100.0 100.0 

"A cho=2.4507 acres. 
»A koku=r 4.9629 bushels. 

Digitized by 



The percentages of fat (ether extract) and of ash are higher than 
in the rice of other countries, as far as these have been analysed. In 
all these analyses the nitrogenous matters or albuminoids have been 
calculated by multiplying the total nitrogen obtained by a soda lime 
combustion, by 6.88. No attempt has been made to separate the 
different kinds of nitrogenous bodies. 

The percentage of available ash constituents in rice is much less than 
that in wheat and other cereals, the pure ash not being more than one- 
half of that of the latter and in many cases much less. The percentage 
composition of the ash is much the same in each case, save that that of 
rice seems to contain rather more phosphoric acid and rather less potash 
than that of wheat, etc. It seems not improbable that the average diet 
of an ordinary native, living principally on rice, is rather deficient in 
some of the ash constituents and especially in lime, which will not in 
most cases be supplied by the drinking water. 

Mr. C. J. Manning, of the Tdkiyo Fu Hospital, tells me that he has 
found that fractures and injuries to bones among the Japanese usually heal 
with extreme slowness, and often very imperfectly. This may be connected 
with the composition of their food ; but before answering this and similar 
questions much work remains to be done in the examination of different 
foods, and a more intimate knowledge of the usual dietaries is required. 
Different kinds of millet gave on analysis the following results : — 
82. Awa, the variety Shiro-awa ; Setaria italica, (Eunth.) 
88. Kibi, the variety Shiro-kibi ; Panicum miliaceum, L. 
84. Uiye; Panicum frumentaceum, (Roxb.). 

32 33 34 

Water 18.05 14.70 18.00 

Ash 8.05 4.56 4.85 

Fat 8.08 2.96 8.08 

Albuminoids 18.04 10.89 11.78 

Fibre 10.41 6.96 14.75 

Soluble Carbohydrates 57.42 60.96 58.09 

The ash and fibre in these is somewhat high, owing to the husk not 
having been perfectly removed ; they were analysed in the condition in 
which they are sold for use. 

vol. vm. 51 

Digitized by 



Varieties of area are known as Shiro-awa; Kuro-awa and Mochi-awa ; 
of kibi there are Shiro-kibi, Uru-kibi and Mochi-kibi. 

Soy bean, sometimes called Japan pea, Glycine hispida (Moeneh) 
also known as Sqja hispida ; of this many varieties of different colour 
and size, etc., are met with, bat as far as is known they differ bnt little 
in composition. They are know collectively as Daidzu or O-mame ; a 
common white round variety is known as Miso-mame and Shiro-mame ; 
other names of varieties are Awo-mame, Kuro-mame, Ki-mame, Ichiya- 
mame> Kurakake-mame and Korinza. 

This bean approaches more nearly in its proximate chemical com- 
position to animal food than any other vegetable known. It contains 
about one-fifth of its weight of fat and nearly two-fifths of nitrogenous 
matter. It is extensively cultivated in the north of China and also 
grows in the Himalayas. In China it is compressed for the sake of its oil, 
and the residual cake is used for food and also extensively as a manure. 
In Japan it is used in the preparation of Shoyu, Tofu, Miso and also of 
Yuba, and in these various forms enters to a considerable extent into 
the food of the nation, to which it is a most valuable contribution, 
supplying as it does the alimentary principles — albuminoids and fat — in 
which the staple food, rice, is deficient : it also contains a much larger 
percentage of the necessary mineral matters than does rice. Of late 
years this bean has been grown experimentally in different parts 
of Germany, with success. The haulm and leaves furnish a valuable 
fodder, and a variety is cultivated specially for that purpose and known 
as Kari-mame, 

The composition of a sample of the white round variety known as 
Miso-mame was found to be— 

Water 11,82 

Ash 8.86 

Pat 20.89 

Albuminoids 87.75 

Fibre ; 2.00 

Starch etc, 24.08 


Digitized by 




The composition of Indian, Chinese and German specimens has 
been found to differ but little from the above ; in them the fat varied 
from 15.8 to 21 per cent and the albuminoids from 80.6 to 89 per cent. 

Some of the products from these beans have been examined with 
the following results : — 
















Fat 8.82 








Nitrogenous matter .............. 



• . . • 

Soluble carbohydrates 






f Common salt 

Dry matter soluble in water. 



Miso is made by mixing the boiled beans with Kdji (rice ferment 
used in sake brewing) in various proportions, and with more or less salt, 
and keeping the mixture in tubs in a cool place for about a month. 

It will be noticed that one variety contains much sugar, derived 
from the Kdji, and little salt, and the other much salt and little sugar. 

Tofu is made by pounding the soy beans after soaking in water, then 
straining through a sieve, and boiling in water. The solution is filtered 
through cotton cloth and the residue pressed; the strained liquor, 
containing vegetable casein or legumin, is precipitated by brine, Nigari, 
formed by the deliquescence of common salt. The precipitate pressed 
and cut into cakes is tofu. 

Kori-dofu is prepared from the above by freezing it and afterwards 
exposing to the sun, when, in the process of thawing, the greater quantity 
of the water is removed, leaving a horny spongy residue. 

An example of shoyu or soy was found to have a specific gravity of 
1.199 and to contain per litre — 

Digitized by 


400 kxnoh: the agbioultubal ghbmxstby of japan. 


Total solid residue 859.88 gnus. 

Ash 195.16 " 

Sugar 81.08 " 

Nitrogenous matters 41.00 " 

Free acid, expressed as acetic acid 6.20 " 

The ash is chiefly common salt, but contains a quantity of 

phosphates derived from the mineral matter of the beans and kept in 

solution by the acetic acid formed. 

Shoyu is made from the soy bean, together with wheat, salt and 

water. The proportion of the materials varies considerably, as does the 

quality and price of the shoyu resulting. Usually, however, equal parts 

of wheat and beans are used. A small part of the wheat is mixed with 

koji and allowed to ferment. The remainder is roasted and the beans 

are boiled. The beans and remainder of the wheat are mixed together 

with the fermenting wheat and placed in shallow wooden boxes and kept 

for some days at a fixed temperature, in a warm chamber with thick 

walls, until the whole mass is covered with fungus. During this 

process, part of the starch of the wheat is converted into dextrin and 

sugar, and lactic acid and acetic acid are formed. The fermenting mass 

is then mixed with salt lye, the proportion used being about 4 to* 9 of salt 

to 1.2 koku of water to extract 1 koku of the fermented product. The 

mashings are removed to large vats and there kept for many months, 

usually twenty, and frequently for 8 or 5 years. The better qualities 

of shoyu are kept the longer times. It is found that the best soy is 

produced by mixing that kept for five years with that kept for three 

years. After it has been kept a sufficiently long time, it is strained 

through thick cotton bags and the residue pressed. Before filtering, 

honey is sometimes added in the proportion of 10 kin to 1 koku of moromi 

or crude soy, in order to give it a sweet taste. Occasionally a sweet 

sake, ama-sake, prepared by taking, 1 koku of koji to 7 to of water and 

1 to of steamed rice, mixing them together and steaming for two hours, 

is added instead of honey. The residue obtained on pressing moromi is 

usually again mixed with salt and water, and pressed ; this yields an 

inferior shoyu. Sometimes water is added to this second residue and 
______ . _ ___ _ _ 

Digitized by 



it is again pressed. The residue first obtained is sometimes used as 
food and the last residue as manure. 

The Shoyu after straining is allow to settle for two days in large 
tanks, then drawn off and filtered ; before sale it is heated to incipient 
ebullition, otherwise it quickly goes bad. 

The quantity of nitrogenous matter in solution in shoyu appears to 
increase with the length of time elapsing before filtering the moromi. 

Another common bean is the Adzuki or Shodzu, Phaseolus 
radiatusy of which there are several varieties, especially, besides the 
ordinary kind, a large variety Dai-na-gon adzuki, and a white kind, 
Shiro- adzuki. The latter powdered, under the name of Arai-iko is used 
for washing, and its use was more common formerly when soap was 
not so abundant as now. 

Mean of three analyses of adzuki : — 


41 42 

Water 14.56 18.20 

Ash 2.88 2.86 

Fat : 61 .62 

Albuminoids 18.17 18.66 

Fibre 8.80 9.80 

Starch, soluble cellulose, etc 54.98 55.86 

100.00 100.00 

From this bean are prepared the sweetmeats known as An and 
Yokan; the former made of adzuki and sugar and the latter of decorti- 
cated adzuki and sugar. 

Some varieties of P. radiatus are cultivated, and, among leguminous 
plants, several species of Dolichos, common peas and beans, overlook 
peas and ground nuts, as will be seen in a list of plants used for food or 
producing food in this country, now in course of preparation for this society. 

Of the giant radish of this country, the dai-kon, whose powerful 
odour usually meets us from a Japanese repast, two analyses have been 
made. It will be seen that in composition they closely resemble the 
giant turnips of western countries, and contain little more than five 
per cent of solid matter. 

48. Dai-kon, 2} feet long and weighing more than 8± kilograms. 

Digitized by 



44. Dai-kon weighing about 2£ kilograms. 

43 44 

Water 94.97 94.45 

Ash 61 .58 

Nitrogenous matter 57 .64 

Fibre 60 .60 

Sugar \ q9K 2.10 

Pectose,etc J *' ZG 1.68 

100.00 100.00 

Names of varieties of dai-kon are San-gatsu dai-kon, Natsu dat-fam, 
Ku-nichi dai-kon, Ilosone dai-kon and Miyashige dai-kon, the last coming 
frojn the province of Owari. 

Some of the principal sea-weeds used as food have been analysed. 

Nori and Asakusa nori are the names specially given to Porphyra 
vulgaris (Agardh) which is very closely allied to and perhaps only a 
variety of P. lanciniata (Agardh.) the alga which supplies the principal 
part of that sold in England under the name of laver, in Ireland as 
sloke and in Scotland as slaak. This is, as is well known, cultivated in 
the shallow water of Tdkiyo Bay on branches of oak, Querent serratus, 
and other trees, the crop being gathered in the winter months ; in the 
summer it becomes too tough for use. The water at Asakusa has for 
nearly three centuries been too fresh for its cultivation in the river there, 
but the name is still retained. 

45. Asakusa nori, Porphyra vulgaris (Agardh.) Best kind from 
Omori, near Tdkiyd. 100 grams cost 86 sen. 

46. Asakusa nori t Porphyra vulgaris (Agardh.) Medium quality 
from Omori, near Tdkiyd. 100 grams cost 29 sen. 

47. Asakusa nori, Porphyra vulgaris, (Agardh.) Common variety 
from Omori, near Tokiyo. 100 grams cost 8 sen. 

48. Nori, Purple colour, Porphyra vulgaris. (Agardh.) From Uwa- 
gori, Iyo, Yehime ken. 100 grams cost 27 sen. 

49. Nori, Purple colour, Porjyhyra vulgaris. (Agardh.) From Bhiki- 
chi-gori, Enshu, Shidzuoka ken. 100 grams cost 18 sen. 

50. Nori, Green laver, probably Phycoseris australis, (Kutzing) 
From Ise. 100 grams cost 5 sen. 

Digitized by 










































Nitrogenous substances . . 
Non-nitrogenous do. 








Containing nitrogen . . . 
The Ash contains — 


Phosphoric acid 


















The green laver is inferior to the purple. 

It will be noticed that the price is very nearly in the same order as 
the quantity of nitrogen, which decreases with the age of tbe plant. 

Another common sea-weed, Kobu, is Laminaria saccharina 
(Lamonroux) or sweet tangle, or a closely allied species, L. japonica 
(Aresch.). This is closely allied to the common tangle L. digitata 
(Lamour), known also in different parts of the United Kingdom as sea 
girdles, red-ware and seawand. Tangle is the species which supplies 
the largest amount of kelp. The stem is used for knive handles and the 
plant often as a hygrometer in England. Both L. saccharina and L. 
digitata contain a peculiar kind of sugar apparently identical with that 
occurring in manna and in some other plants, and called mannite. Sweet 
tangle contains 12 to 15 per cent of this sugar. 

51. Kobu. From Yezo. 

52. Kobu. From Toshiki-gori, Wakasa, Shiga ken. 



Water 26.80 

Ash 22.50 

Fibre 9.88 

Nitrogenous substances 7.79 

Non-nitrogenous substances 88.58 







100.00 100.00 

Digitized by 


404 kxnoh: the agbicultubal chemistry of japan. 

Containing nitrogen 1.28 .95 

The Ash contains — 

Silica 8.94 trace. 

Phosphoric acid 4.48 2.96 

Potash 27.00 81.77 

Kobu is also used as an emblem of a present. 

Another species is Wakame, Alaria pinnatifida (Harvey) ; its 
British congener A. esculenta (Greville) is known in various parts of 
Scotland as bladder-locks or badderlocks (Balders-locks), Henware, 
Honey ware and Murlins. It is used as food on the coast of Scotland and 
Ireland and in Denmark and Iceland, and is one of the best of the 
esculent Algae. Arame or Kokusai is perhaps Capea elongata; Awo-nori 
or Ohashi-nori is Enteromorpha compre&sa (Grev.), a species growing 
in fresh and salt water especially on tidal rocks. 

Hijiki, a species of Cystosdrai?) is found on all the coasts ; that from 
Ise is most valued. Besides these many other species are used to a less 
extent, and Tokoroten-gusa, sometimes called Agar Agar, Gelidium 
corneum (Lam.), is largely employed in the manufacture of Kanten or 
Tokoroten, vegetable isinglass. 

68. Wakame, 100 grams cost 6.5 sen. 

54. Arame, from Shinano. 100 grams cost 1.2 sen. 

55. Awo-nori, from 0-hashi, Tokiyo. 100 grams cost 7.5 sen. 

56. Hijiki, from Iwachi-mura, Eamogori, Idzu. 100 grams cost 2.5 sen. 




















16 20 



Nitrogenous substances 


Non-nitrogenous substances 






Containing nitrogen 

The Ash contains — 


Phosphoric acid 













Digitized by 



The cultivation of sea-weed is carried on extensively in some places, 
and it is said that a great number of varieties arise from the dif- 
ferent trees which are used as the feeding ground of the plants, 
which include different varieties of oak, other deciduous trees and 
bamboos. An account from an observer of the cultivation would be 
very interesting. 

The so-called Irish Moss or Carrageen, Chondrus crispus, (Lyngbye.) 
is perhaps the most extensively used for dietetic purposes of the sea-weeds 
in Europe at the present time ; a closely allied species, Chondrus punctatus 
(Sarin gar) occurs in the Japan Sea. 

There is some confusion in the books about the names and species 
of the two principal sea- weeds. Thunberg and Kaempfer give to 
Kombu the name Fucus saccharinus, Fucus being at that time the generic 
appellation of nearly all Algae. Thunberg mentions that it is sometimes 
called Komb or Kobu or even KosL In Golownin's narrative of his 
captivity in Japan (1811-1818) he mentions the gathering of sea-weed 
of a kind called by the Russians sea-cabbage and by the Japanese 
Kambon. This is now called in Yezo Kombu, which name is on 
this island generally pronounced Kobu. The English translator of 
Golownin refers this sea- weed to the kind known as dhulish or dulse in 
the North of Scotland and Ireland and when boiled as sloke, sloah or 
slaak, but this latter is Porphyry lanciniata, nearly allied to the 
Japanese Nori. In some books Fucus satcharinus and Laminaria 
saccharina are spoken of as different substances, but the former is merely 
the old name. An allied species L. potatorum is used by the natives 
of Australia and in New Zealand and Van Diemen's as food and for 
making instruments, and still another species is used on the W. coast of 
South America. The dulse of the Scotch, and the dylisk, dillish, dul- 
lisgor, duileisg (leaf of the water) of the Highlands is Rhodymerda 
palmata (Grev.) which also contains mannite and is sudorific. It is 
largely used in some of the maritime countries of Europe from Iceland 
to Greece. In Kamschatka a spirituous liquor is made from it. Cattle 
are very fond of it. Before tobacco was so easily obtained the High- 
landers and Irish were in the habit of chewing it. It is parasitical 
on Fuci and Laminaria. The dulse of the South West of England 
is another species, Iridaa edulis. (Bory). 

vol. vm. 53 

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Closely allied to R. palmata is a Japanese alga R. textorii (Suringar.) 
Plocaria Candida is the Agar Agar of the Malays and imported to England 
as Ceylon moss, and from this species the edible bird's nests so esteemed 
in China are principally constructed. Qelideum corneum (Lamonr.) is 
often sold as Agar Agar, it is the algue de Java known in China as 
Niu-mau or ox-hair vegetable. Its gelatining principle has been called 
gelose. Gracilaria lichenoides is also known as Agar Agar. 

Funori, Gloeopeltis intricate, (Suringar) is largely used for making 
size, which has numerous applications, and Tsunomata, Gymnogongrus 
pinnulatU8 (Harvey) or G. japonicus (Sur.) is used for the same purpose. 

A few alcoholic liquids have been examined with the following 
results : — 

57. Sake, Nihon hanazakari from Setshiu. 

68. Sake, Hanazakari from Uyosaki in Sei-shu. 

69. Sake, Iro-musume from Nishi-no-miya in Setshiu. 

60. Mirin. 

61. Ho-mei-shu. 

Specific gravity 

Alcohol by weight, per cent .... 
Total solid residue, grams per litre 

Ash ditto 

Sugar ditto 

Free acid, as acetic acid . . ditto 























The two latter, which are sweet liqueurs, are made from kdji, rice 
and shochiu, the sugar being derived by fermentation from the starch of 
the rice. 

Shochiu is prepared by the distillation of sake residues with steam. 
According to the rate of distillation and condensation employed, which 
can be easily varied, the alcohol varies in strength. It is divided into 
seven classes from Is-sho-dori to shichi-sho-dori, the former being the 

62. Shochiu, — Is-sho-dori. 

68. Shochiu, — San-sho-dori. 

64. Shochiu, — Go-sho-dori. 

65. Awamori, — Alcohol from Okinawa-ken (Rra-Kiu). 

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Specific gravity 






Alcohol of volume ....................... 


Alcohol of weight 


Total solid residue, per mille 

Ash ditto 

Free acid, as acetic acid ditto 


The strongest, No. 62, is equal in strength of spirit to 10.7 over 
proof by the English excise standard. 

Numerous experiments were made last summer with salicylic acid as 
an antiseptic agent for sake, and it was found that used in the ratio of 
1 : 10,000 it preserved sake in imperfectly closed vessels for about a 
month, and when used in the ratio of 1 : 5,000 it preserved the sake 
through the whole of the summer in perfect condition even under very 
trying circumstances. 

Waters from different places have been partially analysed, for 
various purposes, and the following results are perhaps worth noting, as 
showing the great softness of some spring and river waters and the large 
amount of silica they contain in solution relatively to the total solid 
residue. Some of the analyses also indicate the large amount of con- 
tamination taking place in wells in the towns. 

66. Water from a well on the Tokko Farm, Shimosa. 

67. Water from a well on the Komaba Farm, Tokiyo. 

68. Water from a well on the Komaba Farm, Tokiyd. 

69. Water from Fukushima ken. 

70. Water from a well in Banohd, Tokiyo, No. 9, San ban cho. 

71. Water from a well in do. do. No. 9, San ban cho. 

72. Water from a well in do. do. No. 8, San ban cho. 

78. Water from a spring in Naka-no-take about 4 nfrom Tomioka, 
Gumma ken. 

74. Water from the stream from 78, on entering Tomioka. 

75. Water from a well of a house in Tomioka. 

76. Water from the Kita gawa, a few cho from Tomioka. 

77. Water from a spring at Yuki. 

78. Water from a stream at Yuki, supplying the Tamagawa. 

79. Water from a spring at Shirako, Musashi. 

Digitized by 




Total solid residue . 
Loss on ignition . . . 

Sodium chloride . . . 

Parts per 100,000 








Total solid residue 














Loss on ignition 


Sodium chloride 


Parts per 100,000 

































The Tomioka waters and some others have a faint bat very distinct 
alkaline reaction, which has sometimes been found to amount to as 
.much as the equivalent of three parts of sodium carbonate per 100,000, 
though usually it is much less. Messrs. Gabba and Textor of Milan 
have, from a series of experiments and observations on the water and 
silk of Italian filatures, especially in Lombardy, come to the conclusion 
that soft water is, speaking generally, not an advantage in silk winding, 
as it removes to much of the " gum " or " varnish " of the raw silk. 
This question seems worthy the attention of those practically engaged in 
the silk industry of this country, considering the softness and in some 
cases the alkalinity of the spring waters. 

It may be of interest to some of the members of this society to 
mention that there are near here establishments for the hatching and 
rearing of fish under the charge of Mr. Akekiyo Sekisawa, chief of 
the Aquatic Production's Section, and principal of the Agricultural Col- 
lege at Eomaba. One of these is at Shirako, Musashi, Saitama ken, on 
the Kawagoye-kaido, about five ri from Tokiyo, and another at Yuki, 
Musashi, about 16 ri from Tokiyo and one and a half beyond Ome, 
and situated on the S. bank of the Tamagawa. In these establishments 
the two kinds of Japanese salmon Sahno Perryi (Brevoort), Shake 
or sake, and Salmo orientalis (Pallas), Mam are principally reared : 
each station has a capacity equal to raising about 80,000 fish. 
The great difficulty is in the temperature of the water which, es- 

Digitized by 


kinoh: the agrioultubal chemistry of japan. 409 

pecially at Shirako, rises to too high a point; the supply also is 
limited. Besides these there are other establishments for fish culture 
lately established, viz., one in Shiga ken, one at Miehima in Shidzuoka, 
two in Nagano and one at Kanazawa in Ishikawa ken. The largest is 
that in Shiga ken, about 2 ri from Maibara on Lake Biwa, where there 
is an abundant supply of water and the Lake trout are hatched, the eggs 
being brought from Lake Biwa. 

Owing to the difficulty of obtaining a supply of meat for feeding the 
young fish, various experiments with other substances as food have 
been made. As a result a mixture of silk worm chrysalis and wheat flour, 
in equal parts, has been found to answer well. The chrysalides are 
ground, mixed with the flour, boiled for a quarter of an hour, and, after 
cooling, the mixture passed though a fine wire sieve. The proximate 
composition of the chrysalides and of the mixture before preparation were 
found to be as follows : 

80. Chrysalides of the common silk worm. Bombyx mori. 

81. Chrysalides of the mountain silk worm. Bombyx Yama-mai. 

82. Mixture of flour and pupae. 

80 81 82 

Water 10.99 9.24 12.28 

Ash 8.24 2.54 8.80 

OU 14.88 28.57 7.16 

Nitrogenous matter 47.28 49.75 25.25 

The ash containing — 

Silica 2.12 .88 

Lime 4.19 1.29- 

Phosphoric acid 88.50 84.80 

Potash 17.87 17.88 

The extremely oily nature of these is noticeable, especially of the 
Yama-mai chrysalis. I believe that oil is in some places extracted from 
these chrysalides. 

Another substance used for the food of fish and also to some extent 
for human food is the snail Paludina malleata, and other species of this 
genus, Tanishi, common in the paddy-fields in the spring. An analysis 
of this, freed from its shell and operculum, in the state in which it is 
used for human food, gave the following results : — 

Digitized by 


410 kutgh: the agricultural ghbhistby of japan. 


Water 79.6 

Ash 4.7 

Oil and waxy matter 2.0 

Nitrogenous substances 8.1 

The ash contained — 

Lime 49.62 

Magnesia 8.25 

Potash '. 2.96 

Soda 8.68 

Phosphoric acid 5.76 

The dried substance itself contained calcium carbonate forming a 
covering to the eggs and young in the bodies of the mature snails. 

To Mr. Sekisawa I am indebted for the following very interesting 
information concerning a spawning place of Salmo Perryi on the north 
coast. This place is in the Miomote-gawa, which rises in Miomote yama 
in the north-east of the province of Echigo, and flows westward through 
Iwafune-gori and through the town of Murakami to the sea, the total 
length being about 10 to. In this river sake (salmon) are most abundant, 
though inasu (sea trout) and other fish are found ; it supplies Echigo and 
the neighbouring provinces, and next to the Hokkaidd affords the largest 
supply in the empire. Murakami was formerly the castle-town of the 
Daimio Naito to whom the fishery belonged ; it is now in the hands of a 
company formed of the retainers of the ex-daimid, and some idea of its 
importance may be formed from the fact that, after paying a goverment 
tax of five thousand yen and working expenses, including the repair of 
river banks, etc., the net profits are sufficient to support 750 families. 
Close to Murakami the river divides itself into three courses, one of which 
affords a natural spawning place and is hence called Tane-gawa. This 
Tanegawa is about 1200 yards long by 50 broad, and at spawning time 
the fish come up to it in immense shoals, nearly all the salmon entering 
the river coming to this place rather than to the other courses. A fence 
is put across the upper part of the branch and another, with an opening, 
at the lower part. When a good supply of fish are thus inclosed the 
opening in the lower fence is closed and the fish left for about a week till 
they have deposited their eggs, when they are taken out with nets. An- 

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other lot is then let in and confined for some days and this is repeated 
several times daring October and November. At the beginning of May 
the young fish go down the river to the sea. This plan is said to have 
been originated by one Aodo about 200 years ago, and to have been fol- 
lowed exactly ever since. During the time of spawning and also when the 
fish are going down the river, very strict watch is kept day and night, so 
that they be not disturbed by poachers or otherwise. 

For much valuable assistance in the analytical work of this paper, 
I am indebted to my assistants Messrs, M. Meyazato, J. Watanabe, 
M. Takeo and R. Fukuda, and also to them and other Japanese friends 
for information relating to the names of foods. 

Since the above has been in type the following analyses of Yezo 
soils and manures have been published in the Third Annual Report of 
the Sapporo Agricultural College. 

Analyses of four soils by Mr. Miyasaki. 

1. Fine sandy loam from a small level tract at the head waters of 
the Ashibets (river) about 2200 feet above sea level. 

2. From Nemuro. 

8. Fine alluvium from a level tract at the mouth of the Poronai 
river, in the Ikushibets valley. 

4. Alluvium of the same formation as the preceding, from Urashi- 
nai on the Ishkari river. 


Organic matter, etc . . , 
Insoluble silicates . . , 
Ferrio oxide , 

Al ttTTlJTift . , 

Lime , 

Magnesia , 



Phosphorus pentoxide , 
Sulphur trioxide 
Chlorine , 

Water in air dried soil , 

© C 





















99.908 99.580 












25.333 i 22.408 
** 76.390 











99.693 i 32.206 

Digitized by 



These soils show a great family resemblance to the others before 
mentioned ; the amount of lime is small and in most cases exceeded by 
that of magnesia ; the potash, except in one instance, is very low ; and 
phosphoric acid is mentioned as present in appreciable traces in one 
instance only. Without doubt a more careful examination for this latter 
ingredient would reveal its presence in distinctly estimable quantities, 
but we must accept the statement as evidence that its amount is small. 
The moisture retained by the air dried soil is considerable in quantity, 
as is the case with the alluvial soils of this island. 

In the same report a soil of the Sapporo farm is stated to contain, 
in the dry state, about 12 per cent of organic matter, about .8 per cent 
of potash and very little lime. 

Analyses, by E. Ono, of two specimens of Hokkaido fish manure. 

5. The refuse after extraction of oil from herrings, nishin, made at 
Otaru and very coarse. 

6. The refuse from small fish, chiefly sardines, iwashi, made at 
Mombets on the East coast. 

5 6 

Water 12.28 12.17 

Total Nitrogen 9.18 10.10 

Equal to Ammonia 11.08 12.26 

Totals phosphorus pentoxide 8.07 8.87 

Equal to tricalcic phosphate 6.70 7.88 

E. K, 
Imperial College of Agriculture, 
Eomaba, T5kiyo. 



Professor Atkinson said he wished to express his indebtedness to the author 
of the paper for the valuable assistance which the record in the paper of so many 
analyses would be to him in the work he was at present carrying out. He wished 
to point out, however, that Professor Einch appeared to have adopted a meaning of 
the term " fertile" which was not sanctioned by the dictionaries. Webster's 

Digitized by 



definition Is, thai a soil i* " fertile " which produces abundantly ,— not thai it yield* 
products which can only be obtained by the system of " high farming " now in use. 
The term fertile is relative, and thus it would be quite proper to call a land fertile 
which produces a luxuriant crop of wild flowers compared with other soils which 
do not do so, because the probability is that, if it were sown with seed, it would 
bear abundantly. Too little importance seemed, to the speaker, to be given to the 
condition of growth other than the nature of the soluble constituents of the soil. 
Such substances, doubtless, fulfilled the purposes of food to the plant, but just as 
animals, though fed on the same diet, would turn out differently, so it was reason- 
able to suppose that there might be "lean kine" among agricultural products. 
The observations made at Mr. Lawes' farm at Rothamstead, during the last thirty- 
six years, and communicated by Dr. Gilbert to the British Association at its last 
meeting, shewed how little is really yet known even about the absoxption of mate- 
rial from the soil, for it had been noticed that, although cereals contain compara- 
tively little nitrogen and much posphorio acid, yet the application of nitrogenous 
manures to such crops was attended with very beneficial results, and that, although 
bean crops (legvminosa) contain a very large amount of nitrogen, the manures 
best suited to them were not nitrogenous, but potash manures. The speaker then 
referred to the influence of other conditions affecting the growth of plants, such as 
light and heat, stated and that, from observations made by Schilbeler of Christiania, 
the almost unbroken sunlight of the short Scandinavian summer appeared to have 
the effect of intensifying both the colour and the aroma or flavour of fruits and 
vegetables, whilst the proportion of sugar formed was smaller. It appears that the 
increase of aroma and colour was the effect of light, whilst sweetness was mainly 
dependent upon warmth. Siemens had recently suggested the employment of the 
electric light, and had proved that by its use the development of the plant might 
be much increased. 

The speaker further made some remarks upon thoyu and the alcoholic drinks of 
the Japanese. He said that Mr. Iaono, a graduate of the University of TokiyS, had 
made analyses of the shdyu moromi at various periods, and as it might be of some 
interest to have the record in the Transactions of the Society, he begged to be 
allowed to communicate the analyses. It was interesting to observe the dis- 
appearance of the glucose, and the gradual increase of the soluble nitrogen from 
the first sample to the last. The greatest change took place between the third and 
the tenth months, but, after the removal of the greater part of the glucose and 
dextrin, converted into alcohol and lost by evaporation, very little alteration 
occurred, except in the colour of the liquid, which became darker. Professor Kinch 
had mentioned the fact that, by the use of salicylic acid, the tendency of sake 
during the summer months to turn bad could be counteracted. This alteration 
appeared to be due to the presence of butyric acid ferments, and, from some 
experiments now being carried on, the process of heating the liquids, known as 
Pasteur's process, was also successful in preserving sake. It was a matter of great 
vol. vra. 63 

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importance to possess a means of keeping $ake over the rammer, as the want of 
this at present necessitated the consumption of the new wine within the same year, 
and gave no opportunity for " ageing/ 1 by which the aroma was developed. The 
taste of sake was probably due to a solution by the alcohol of the bitter principles 
contained in the dead yeast cells, partly also from the solution of the resin con- 
tained in the wood of the cask, or from shavings purposely introduced. The rapid 
spoiling of take during the hot months of the year also prevented the export of any 
large quantity, and the adoption of any process which would preserve the liquor 
would be of great economical advantage to the country. 

Digitized by 

















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By Pbof. D. Bbauns. 

[Bead June 8, 1880.] 

A monograph treating a Bingie species of Japanese animals might 
appear to he of little value, hat this species turning out to he remark- 
able not only for its nature and for the place it is to take in the system, 
hut also for its geographical distribution, I shall scarcely need to 
apologize for introducing this monograph into the papers and meetings 
of the Asiatic Society of Japan. 

The Itachi occurring frequently in the neighbourhood of Tdkiyd and 
coming even into the precincts and upon the roofs of the houses of the 
capital as well as of the smaller towns and villages in its vicinity, it 
struck me from the very beginning of my abode in Japan that it is very 
much resembling the Mink and Noerz, Mustek Lutreola L., called 
sometimes the Polecat of the northern seas, or the small otter. I was 
surprised indeed at not finding any comparison of the * Itatsi ' with the 
European Noerz or Mink in the highly valuable book on the Japanese 
mammals by Temminck and Schlegel contained in the "Fauna Japonica " 
ofvonSiebold (1850), whilst the authors had not omitted to compare 
the Japanese animal, to which they gave a new specific name, with the 
Polecat, a well-known small carnivorous animal belonging to the same 
genus, though not to the same subdivision of this genus. 

As for the generic denomination, there can be no doubt about the 
Itachi belonging to the same true genus as the Polecats, Ferrets, Stoats, 
Weasels and Minks, and not to the Martens and Sables, with which the 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 



fbrementioned species were formerly allied to the genus Mustela. It 
may be briefly mentioned that the true Martens (together with the 
Sables and with the Japanese Ten) are indeed to be separated from the 
Polecats, Stoats, etc., as they have 88 teeth instead of the 84 teeth 
which are found in the latter. Now the number of the teeth being 
always thought to be important enough for separating the mammals 
generically, we cannot but accept a denomination as far as I know, first 
aimed at by the Russian and German authors Count Eeyserling and 
Blasius — which separates the Polecats, Stoats, etc., as a genus from the 
true Martens or Mustela, now sometimes called Martes. I shall there- 
fore call the former Foetorius, which genus is— as stated above — charac- 
terized by having only 84 teeth, viz., 6 upper and 6 under incisors, 4 
canine teeth totally r 12 praemolars or 8 in every branch of the jaws, of 
which the last in the upper jaw are carnassial teeth, and 1 upper and 2 
lower true molars on every side of each jaw, the first of the latter ones 
being the under carnassial tooth. The Mustelae or Martes have one 
praemolar more in every branch of the jaws, and in consequence a some- 
what longer head, whilst in every other respect they are not differing 
from the Foetorius. 

The Itachi belongs undoubtedly to Foetorius ; and Temminck and 
Schlegel, though they did not adopt that generic name, were apparently 
of the same opinion. They not only compared the Itachi chiefly with 
the Polecat and not with the Martens, but also called it in the French 
text " Putois itatei " or Itatsi-Polecat. Besides we see from the plate 
on which the skull of this animal is represented, together with that of the 
Japanese Ten or Mustela melampus, that its upper jaw has decidedly 
not more than 2 praemolars before the carnassial (or 8 altogether) on 
each side, whilst the Ten, being a true Mustela, exhibits one praemolar 
tooth more. I have thought it necessary, however, to complete the 
figure of Siebold's Fauna by giving an outline of the side-view of the 
skull with open jaws (fig. 1), which shows also the number of the molar 
teeth of the lower jaw, and besides (fig. 2) I represent the same skull 
seen from above, as this view shows likewise some important characters 
which will be discussed below. 

Both figures show, moreover, that the skull of the Itachi is a little 
longer than it has been represented in Siebold's work. I have carefully 

Digitized by 



measured several fall-grown Itachi skulls in different collections, and 
found it always between 55 and 60 millimeters from the anterior part of 
the nasal bones to the end of the occiput. Siebold's figure gives only 
52 millimeters, and the difference is the more striking as it is only caused 
by a comparative shortness of the posterior part of the skull. I do not 
hesitate to assume a mistake of the artist engaged to draw the Itachi 
skull for Siebold's book. 

As there can be no doubt at all about the Itachi belonging to the 
genus Foetorius, it may be farther investigated whether it belongs to the 
first, second or third subdivision of this genus, as they have been pointed 
out by the same authors who established the genus itself. 

The first subdivision pr tribe contains the Polecat, or Foetorius 
Putorius (Mustela Putorius L.), together with some other nearly allied 
species, f. i. Foetorius sarmatius and F. Faro, the Ferret. This tribe, 
which may be called the Polecat tribe, or the subgenus Putorius, is 
characterized by its belly and throat being very dark, much darker 
than the upper part of the skin, except of course in the Ferrets, which 
are true albinos and cannot exhibit any dark colors and colored marks. 
The hair is very long, the fore feet are provided with 10 naked spots 
under the toes, the hind feet with 9. The frontal bone has its narrowest 
part within the posterior half of the skull. Of all these characters 
nothing is to be seen in the Itachi. 

The second subdivision contains the Stoats and Weasels, Foetorius 
Erminea and F. vulgaris and their nearest allies, and might therefore be 
called the Stoat or Weasel-tribe, or the subgenus Foetorius proper. 
It has the belly and throat white, the end of the tail black, even if the rest 
of the hair, as it often does, becomes white in winter. The hair is much 
shorter than in the Polecats, but the feet have the same number of naked 
spots. The frontal bone has its narrowest part decidedly within the 
anterior half of the skull, not very much behind the zygomatic processus 
of the upper orbital part of the frontal bone. The Itachi does not exhibit 
any of these characters either. 

The third subdivision contains the Mink and the Noerz or Nork of 
the Germans, which both together have been originally called Mustela 
Lutreola L., whilst some authors have since given another name to the 
Canadian Mink (Foetorius Vison Brisson). This tribe might be called 

Digitized by 



the Lutreola-tribe or subgenus Lutreola. It does not exhibit any 
striking difference between the upper and - the under part of the body, . 
the former being only a little darker and of the same brownish or rusty 
hue as the latter. The feet are a little darker than the rest of the legs 
and the trunk. The hair is shorter than in the Polecats and not essen- 
tially longer than in the second subdivision. The soles of the feet are 
differing from those of the two other tribes, as every toe has but one 
naked spot, and behind these spots there is one larger callus of a subcor- 
diform or irregular and rounded triangular shape. The narrowest part 
of the frontal bone is situated very little before the middle of the length 
of the skull, its distance from the zygomatic processus of the upper 
orbital margin being at least equal to that of the same processus from 
the anterior orbital margin. In all these respects, the Itachi belongs to 
this tribe. Thus, the upper view of the frontal bone (fig. 2) shows the 
intermediate outline between those of the first and second subdivision, 
by which the Lutreola-tribe is characterized ; the feet, whose inferior 
side is given by fig. 4 (right fore foot) and fig. 5 (right hind foot), have 
the same form and number of naked spots, and besides the same extent 
of the skin between the toes of the hind feet, which, however, is not 
essentially differing and nearly as large in the other species of Foetorius. 

More important than all these characters are doubtlessly some 
peculiarities of the teeth, which are also perfectly alike in the Itachi and 

The second incisor tooth of the lower jaw on each side has its edge 
exactly in the same line with that of the inner and outer one, and only 
the lower part of the tooth is placed behind those of the other teeth. 
In the other two subdivisions (Polecats and Stoats) not only the base but 
also the edge of the second incisor tooth is placed behind the other 

In the Polecats, the first and the second praemolars of the upper 
jaw form an angle with one another, of which nothing is to be seen 
either in the Noerz or in the Itachi (which, however, in this respect 
do not differ very much from the Stoats). 

Lastly, the tuberculated (true molar) tooth behind the carnassial 
of the upper jaw has a form quite typical for the third group, its internal 
part being flattened and dilated and at the same time rather projecting 

Digitized by 


420 bbaukb: systematic pootion of the itaohl 

to the anterior side, so that the anterior outline of this tooth is concave, 
and the interior and anterior angle extends much farther in that direction 
than the exterior anterior angle of the same tooth or the posterior face 
of the carnassial. As this character is said to he most essential for the 
Foetorius Lutreola, and seems evidently to he an adaptation to its mode 
of feeding, I give (fig. 8) the row of teeth of the left side of the upper 
jaw seen from below, c being the canine and m the true molar (tuber* 
eulated or post-carnassial) tooth. 

There being indeed no doubt left about the Itachi belonging not 
only to the genus Foetorius but also to that subdivision of it which 
contains the Lutreolas or the Noerz and Mink-tribe, we may make a 
further inquiry whether it differs at all from the other species of this 
subdivision. In this respect we meet with one difficulty, as we have 
seen that some authors divide the European Noerz and the Canadian 
Mink specifically and give even the (above-mentioned) new name of F. 
Yison to the Mink, leaving the old Iinnean name to the European Noerz, 
whilst many other zoologists unite both forms to one species and separate 
the Mink only as a variety. 

The differences which are said to exist between the European and 
American Lutreolas are in fact very slight. They consist in the length 
of the tail and the size of the white spot on the lips, which in itself is 
important but varies very much in its details. The difference of the 
length of the tail would be perhaps worth noticing, if those state- 
ments could be relied upon which give the maximum relative length of 
the tail (nearly one-half of the other part of the body), and if the 
additional length of the tail was not caused by its being measured with 
the hairs at its end (which is not the case in the measures given below). 
As it is, we may with much more safety rely upon those statements 
which do not exhibit any striking difference of the proportional length of 
. the tail. The white spot which is said to exist only on the under lip of 
the Mink, is also sometimes to be seen on the upper lip according to 
other authors. I must confess therefore that I am rather inclined to 
believe that the American and European Lutreola belong to one species. 
However, I shall leave the question as far as it concerns the American 
animal, the Mink, and confine myself to give evidence of the Itachi being 
identical with the European Noerz and of our being obliged to unite 

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mums: systematic posmo* or thb raohx. 421 

these two animals to onespeeiee. Indeed there is no difference neither 
in the proportions of the body, head, tail and limbs, nor even in the 
colored spots and marks down to the most minute details, and in Tain 
we may look oat for any such characters as are used by the zoologists 
lor dividing and determining closely allied species. 

The color of the Noerz is a reddish brown, moderately dark. The 
short woolly hair is more grayish. Those colors are not essentially 
altered in the different seasons. The Itaohi has the same tinge, only a 
little lighter in the average, especially under the chin and on the anterior 
part of the breast. But the lighter hue of these parts is always slowly 
passing into somewhat darker shades, and is always sufficiently dark to 
show most distinctly the white spots which are peculiar to the species. 

These spots, perfectly alike in the European and Japanese specimen^ 
consist chiefly in the white spots on both lips, and besides in a snial, 
spot between mouth and shoulders. The first is differently shaped, but 
always present, and in the Japanese as well as in the European speci- 
mens I have never seen nor heard mentioned any case in which it was 
not to be seen on both lips. Generally it is broader on the upper, but 
longer and farther extending to the posterior or outward part of the 
mouth on the under lip. Though fig. 1 of the 7th plate of Siebold's 
Fauna Japonica (Mammalia) gives a very good idea of it, I thought it 
advisable to add a drawing of it in natural size (fig. 6). The white 
color of the lips is the more striking, as on its upper margin it is bordered 
by rather dark brown hair, which, however, is not sharply limited, 
but is gradually and quite insensibly shaded off into the lighter hue of the 
other parts of the skin. The nostrils are very often (as is seen in fig. 6), 
but not always, bordered by white. As Temminck and Schlegel state, 
this white color of the lips does not disappear in any season nor in any 
stage of development. The second spot also quite constantly appears 
as well in the Itachi as in the Noerz. For the latter it is mentioned 
in every correct and detailed description, and though it is but small it is 
estimated to belong to the specific characters. Now I never failed to 
observe it in the Itachi, and even where the color of the throat was very 
pale, I always saw the white spot, mostly at a distance of about 60 
millimeters from the mouth (in the median line), its diameter being 
about 10 millimeters. It is not always round but sonietimes very irregular, 
tol. vm. 64 

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often triangular with rounded edges. I am obliged to lay some stress 
on this seemingly unimportant character, because it is not mentioned by 
Temminck and Schlegel, and therefore erroneously might be believed to 
want in the Itachi, thus furnishing a difference between it and the 
Noerz. The darker color of the feet is scarcely to be mentioned here, as 
it is not sharply limited. Yet it is also common to Noerz and Itachi. 

As for the size and the proportions of the different parts, the 
identity of all the characters of Noerz and Itachi is indeed surprising. 
When we leave aside all the extraordinarily developed specimens on one 
side and the smaller, non-adult animals on the other, we have in the 
average the following dimensions, which I have partly taken from most 
conscientious European authors (as for instance the above mentioned 
Professor Blasiusj, and partly measured myself as accurately as possible 
on well selected specimens of the Itachi. In order to make the agree- 
ment obvious, I give (in the following table) all the dimensions in mil- 




Total length 

Length without tail 

Length of tail 

Length of head (of living animal} 

Distance of centre of eye from point of muzzle 

Distanoe of base of ear from do 



Fore foot, total 



Hind foot, total 























It is to be added, indeed, that a few other measorings give a little 
different result. Bat those differences are existing between specimens 
of the same localities. Mr. Martens (in the zoological part of the descrip- 
tion of the results of the Prussian Asiatic Expedition) gives 620 mil- 
limeters as maximum length of the Itachi, and though from the length 
which he gives for the tail it is clearly to be seen that he includes the 
hairy end of the tail, which is not included in my list, there remains a 
surplus of about 10 per cent of the total length as well as of that of the 

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tail. This surplus is somewhat large bat not quite exceptional, even in 
mammals, and, as I said, it is given by Mr. Martens as a maximum. At 
all events it is shown by the statements of Temminck and Schlegel 
(which are perfectly agreeing with my measurings) and by these 
measnrings themselves that the Itachi has usually and normally exactly 
the same size and the same proportions as the Noerz-specimens of 
eastern Germany, Poland and Russia. 

Thus it is shown that in every respect there is the closest resem- 
blance, nay, the strictest identity of the European and Japanese animals 
in question, and there can be no doubt about the fact that they belong 
to one and the same zoological species. The specific name of Tem- 
minck and Schlegel is therefore to be annihilated or placed among the 
synonyms, and the Japanese Itachi must have the old Linnean specific 
name, together with the new generic name, and must be called Foetorius 
Lutreola L., just as well as the Noerz. 

Perhaps some people might be of opinion that the Japanese speci- 
mens, as they have a somewhat paler hue and especially a pale color of 
the throat, and as the thickness and quality of the fur are differing from 
those of the Noerz, belong to a distinct variety. But even this seems to 
be rather doubtful, as there are numerous Noerz specimens with lighter 
and Itachi specimens with darker colors, and as the throat is also some- 
times a little paler in the former and not much paler than the other 
parts of the skin in many specimens of the Itachi. We must admit 
therefore an insensible passage and a total want of a distinct limit 
between both forms, which of course are still less to be separated by the 
differences of the fur. For great as the difference of the value and price 
of Noerz and Itachi skins may be, the zoologist will never be able to 
admit any essential divergencies. The color and length of the flix is the 
same, the maximum length of the single hairs is the same (20 millimeters) 
for the Japanese as well as for the European Lutreolas. The difference 
in the fur is not greater than in any species which is living in lands of 
different climates, the inhabitants of warmer districts furnishing in such 
instances always inferior skins. 

It remains to be remarked that the mode of living and feeding, the 
voice and diet are also exactly the same both in the European and Japanese 
Lutreolas. The former are well known to be a little less rapacious than 

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424 nuxnra: sybthkaszo posihon of the racod. 

the rest of the Foetorius species, and are renowned for being very find 
of fish and above all of crawfish, though they do not feed upon them 
exclusively. As mentioned above, it has been suggested that the broad- 
ness of the tuberoulated upper molars is strongly adapted to this sort of 
food. Pallas, one of the best zoologists of the beginning of this century, 
was of opinion that Siberia had no Lutreolas, especially because crawfish 
are wanting there. Now it is indeed striking how much the Itachi 
resembles the Noerz also in this respect. It feeds indifferently upon 
birds, mice and rats, and upon fish and crawfish. Schlegel and Tem- 
minck say quite correctly that, in consequence hereof the Itachi is quite 
as common on the shores of rivers, lakes, ponds and bays, as in the 

All the observers, and especially all the Japanese with whom I spoke 
about it, agree in stating that the Itachi is exceedingly fond of crabs and 
other crawfish. Now there being not many Martens (in fact in the 
main island only the Ten or Mustek melampus Temminck and Schlegel 
occurs, which in every respect very closely resembles our Mustek Martes, 
an inhabitant of woods and trees) and no Stoats, Weasels and Polecats in 
Japan, which could drive the Itachi from dry land, whilst on the other 
side the Otter, our Lutra vulgaris L., is not very rare, it is not at all 
surprising that the Itachi passes frequently not only into the fields and 
gardens but also upon the roofs of the houses, where it is pretty sure to 
catch many rats and is very often left undisturbed by the inhabitants. 
I scarcely need to add that by all these facts the conclusions drawn 
from the structure and the exterior of the animal are strongly confirmed. 

The specific identification of Noerz and Itachi is at any rate not 
quite unimportant for the doctrines concerning the geographical distri- 
bution of animals. The number of species particular to Japan is reduced, 
and the union between the continental islands of the Japanese Archipelago 
with the rest of the palaearctie region or the northern temperate zone of 
the eastern hemisphere is rendered still more intimate and perfect. We 
see now that three very frequent carnivorous animals, animals which 
undoubtedly have not been introduced by men, — the Itachi, the Fox and 
the Otter, — are Euro-Asiatic species, and form a much stronger link 
between the Japanese and continental fauna than for instance the Badger 
or Anakuma, the Ten or Mustek melampus, the Wolf (Yarminu) or Gania 

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hedbphylax. For these are distinct types, though it must be admitted 
that they are most intimately allied to certain palaearetio forms, and thai 
perhaps there may be only the Nyctereutes, which among the canrivora 
exhibits oriental affinities. For the Japanese bear or kuma, which 
originally was identified with the TJrsus thibetanns Cuvier (or torquatus 
Wagner) is now generally taken for a distinct species, U. japonicus 
Schlegel, and may be said to be akin as well to oriental forms (Malayan 
bear) as palaearctic (thibetan bear) and even American species (the 
Barribal). Those species which are occurring both in Japan and in 
America are either confined to the northern islands of Japan, as the 
Enhydris, the grisly bear, the Volpes fdlvus, or belong as well 
to the palaearctic as to the nearctic region, viz., the polar bear, which 
moreover is found only in the remotest parts of northern Japan, and 
perhaps the Mustela Lutreola, if we admit the identity of Noerz 
and Mink. The distribution of the carnivora is indeed far from corro- 
borating the opinion which is expressed by Griffis on page 24 of his 
valuable book on the Mikado's Empire, that the Japanese types approach 
rather the remote American than the near Asiatic continent, an approach 
for which indeed we find just as little evidence among the other ter- 
restrial and fresh- water animals and in mankind itself. The only true 
fact which might seem to corroborate this opinion is doubtlessly the high 
degree of affinity between the palaearctic and nearctic regions, in their 
totality and this affinity may be said to be also exhibited by the very 
near affinity — or perhaps identity — of the Canadian and palaearctic 

Indeed the Noerz and Itachi or the Foetorius Lutoreola L. must be 
called palaearctic, and the local separation of the Japanese and European 
specimens is theoretically of very slight importance and would not be of 
any great consequence even if the most minute investigation of Central 
and Eastern Asia would not yield any specimen of that species. This 
absence of it in the centre of the Euro- Asiatic continent may be easily 
explained by the struggle of life, which in Siberia, Mongolia, etc., could 
not be but a very severe one for an animal which wanted its favourite 
food and had to suffer by numerous and powerful or very active com* 
petitors. In Europe and Japan, under a more genial sky, on the banks 
of waters rich in fish and crawfish, this interesting species without any 

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doubt was more adapted to maintain itself, and in Japan where there 
was scarcely any competition it could scarcely fail to become the prevail- 
ing species of Mustelida. 


By a mistake of the lithographer the tuberculated tooth of the upper 
jaw behind the carnassial has not been distinctly separated from the 
carnaseial, an error which we beg the reader to be so good as to correct. 


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f 42T) 



Translated from the Japanese bt Cablo Puna, and fbom the Italian 
into English by F. V. Dicxins.* 

[Read June 11, 1880.] 

Shinttism and Buddhism, with their numerous subdivisions, and 
their innumerable deities, are the two main creeds that hold sway in 
Japan. Buddhism, as is well known, is of Indian origin, and was not 
introduced into Japan until a comparatively recent epoch. Shintd- 
ism, on the other hand, called also Kami no* michi, is the national 
religion, as old as Japan itself. We learn from Japanese mythology 
that from Chaos, which contained in itself the germs of all things, were 
produced in the beginning a generation of beings termed Kami, of whom 
Izanagi and Izanami, the one a male, the other a female deity, were 
the last individuals ; this generation came to be known as that of the 
celestial Kami. Izanagi and Izanami conceived the idea of creating a 
habitable world, and after they had espoused each other the female deity 
gave birth to the islands which constitute the Japanese Archipelago, 
and next to the mountains and streams, and further caused another 
series or generation of Kami to see the light who were known as the 

*I sette Genii della Felicita, notizia sopra una parte del culto dei Giapponeai ; 
traduzione dal Giapponese di Carlo Puini. Firenze, tipograna dei Bucoeaeori Le 
vol. vm. 55 

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488 DioKure: puxni oh gods or haphhiss. 

terrestrial Kami. These in their turn produced yet another generation, 
the human, at the head of which stands Jim-mu, who was the first 
Emperor of Japan and with whom begins the historical epoch of the 
Japanese world. 

These supernatural beings or Kami form precisely the objects 
of the worship of the Shintd religion; the world since its creation 
is governed and directed by them ; they hold rule over the elements 
and the seasons, over animals and over the products of the land, and 
they have the power of conferring happiness or sending misery upon 
mankind. The number of these Kami, especially of those of the two 
first generations, became greater with the progress of time, and in the 
ages wlu'ch followed, all men who from time to time made themselves 
illustrious by their heroic deeds, by their wisdom and by their singular 
piety, were elevated to the rank of Kami, and, reverenced as such 
by the people, came to form the population of the Japanese Pan* 

The ancient religion of China had consisted of the worship of 
genii or spirits, and to the Chinese all nature seemed animated by 
such beings, whom they called shin. This word is still used in 
Japan as a perfect synonym for Kami. The Chinese divide the 
Kami into greater or lesser gods as well as, like the Japanese, into 
celestial, terrestrial and human gods, but with this difference, that 
while the Japanese classification of these beings is based upon their 
greater or less nobility and upon the antiquity of their reign, that 
adopted by the Chinese has reference to their attributes and their 
places of abode. Thus with the Chinese the celestial spirits are those 
of the sun, of the moon and of the stars ; the terrestrial, those which 
guard the mountains, the woods, the streams and the valleys, together 
with the tutelary spirits of the homes of men, or the lares, as one might 
term these latter, while the human gods are the souls of ancient heroes 
and ancient philosophers. (See Plath. Die Religion der alten Chinesen, 
Erste Abtheilung pp. 14, 67 ; et seq.) 

The more immediate end which the followers of Shintdism propose 
to themselves is in a special degree the acquisition in this world of 
a state of happiness and well-being, and in this they closely resemble 
the followers of Taoism. Long life, health, riches and every kind of 

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dickjns: puxmi on gods or happiness. 429 

prosperity, which is connoted by the Japanese word/u/eu, is the subject 
of the prayers offered by the people to the Kami. Hence they prefer 
their petitions more readily to those inferior Kami whom they believe to 
possess a more direct influence over the government of the things of the , 
world and over the common affairs of life, than to those nobler Kami 
who abide in the higher spheres and to whom the ancient saw applies, 
" qua supra no* nihil ad nos" (K»mpfer, bk. 8, chap. 1.) 

Bhintdism has no priests properly so called. The temples of the 
Kami are served by laymen termed Kannagi, Negi or Sha-nin y who are 
presided over by appointed chiefs or rectors (capi distinti) known as 
Kannushi or Sha-mu. Neither has it fixed rites, ecclesiastical ceremo- 
nies or regular forms of prayer ; but every believer may worship the 
gods in such words and in such manner as he may deem proper. 

As to Buddhism, Japan had no knowledge of it before the 6th 
century of our era; after the Buddhist faith had spread itself and taken 
firm root in China, it soon began to make its way into the peninsula of 
Korea. It was from the latter country that it was brought over to Japan, 
^ririch now forms the extreme eastern limit of the diffusion of the 
doctrine of &&kya. The Nippon ddai Ickiran says: " In the 18th year 
of the Emperor Kim-mei Ten-nd (A. D. 552), the King of Hiyaksai (one 
of the three kingdoms of Korea) sent an embassy to Japan with a statue 
of Buddha and certain religious books. One of the ministers of the 
Emperor, named Iname, sought to induce him to worship the new 
divinity, but another personage of the court, Mononobe no O-goshi, 
dissuaded the Emperor, saying : — 'Our realm is of divine origin and the 
Dairi has already many gods to adore ; should we pay homage to those of 
foreign countries our own deities will be offended.' The Dairi then 
presented the image to Iname, and the latter was so surprised at the gift 
that he caused his own mansion to be pulled down and a temple erected 
on its site, in which he placed the sacred image. From this time 
Buddhism began to be introduced into Japan and the temples known as 
Goran to be erected." — (Nippon ddai Ichiran, translation of Titsingh, 
edited by Elaproth : pages 84-85* ) Eighteen yeare afterwards, say the 
thirty-first year of Kim-mei, according to the account given by another 
Japanese chronicle, an image of Amit&bha, which had been brought into 
the kingdom of Hiyaksai from Tenjiku, found its way into the Kami no 

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kuni (Japan) and appeared in a glory of light on the banks of a lake 
near Naniwa (now Ozaka) without anyone having seen it carried there. 
Then the same Emperor Kim-mei, astonished at the miracle, caused 
the image to he taken into the province of Shinano, where, in 
memory of the event, a temple was erected, to which was given the 
name Zen-k6-ji, that became famous throughout the empire. (Kaempfer, 
bk. 8, chap. 4.) 

The simple and primitive character of Shintdism, and the fact 
that it remained in an almost rudimentary condition, without dogmas 
and without a clergy, were among the causes that lent rapidity to 
the diffusion of Buddhism in Japan. The establishment of various 
sects among the faithful could not, however, be avoided ; while some 
wished to remain constant to the creed of their forefathers, others 
sought to fuse and harmonize the old beliefs with the newly imported 
doctrine. The former took the name of Yui-itsu, the latter that of 
Biydbu. The Shingaku constituted a third sect, which, besides profess- 
ing the united faiths of Shint6ism and Buddhism, added to these the 
teachings of Confucius. As a rule the people of Japan believe with 
equal fervour in all the deities found either in the Buddhist or in the 
Shintd temples, and pray to the former and to the latter with the same 
ardour, the more pleased the greater the number of holy beings they find 
ready to listen to their progress and disposed to grant their petitions. 

The text which we have selected for translation is a proof of this 
fusion of different doctrines and bel